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\par }}{\*\pnseclvl1\pnucrm\pnstart1 {\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl2\pnucltr\pnstart1 {\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl3\pndec\pnstart1 {\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl4\pnlcltr\pnstart1 {\pntxta .}}{\*\pnseclvl5\pndec\pnstart1 {\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl6\pnlcltr\pnstart1 
{\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl7\pnlcrm\pnstart1 {\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl8\pnlcltr\pnstart1 {\pntxta )}}{\*\pnseclvl9\pnlcrm\pnstart1\pnindent720\pnhang {\pntxtb (}{\pntxta )}}\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar
\tqc\tx4680\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tqc\tx4680\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tqc\tx4680\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tqc\tx4680\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab NAHUATL DIGLOSSIA AND TEXTUAL DISCOURSE
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tqc\tx4680\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SPOKEN AND WRITTEN WORD
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par  
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \s41\qc \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Paper presented for the panel \'93
Divided Eloquence: Indigenous Communicative Stretegies and Irreducible Ambiguities in Colonial Mesoamerica\'94
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \qc \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 American Anthropology Association
\par Philadelphia, PA
\par 2\endash 6 December 1998
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par 
\par }{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Jonathan D. Amith
\par Yale University
\par 
\par 1460 James Howe Rd.
\par Dallas, OR  97338
\par Tel./fax 503/831-3151
\par email: jonathan.amith@yale.edu
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \page 
\par }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 i. overview
\par }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Ethnohistorical and linguistic re
search has made increasingly productive use of the vast number of colonial documents written in indigenous languages. Particularly important are studies of colonial texts written in Nahuatl, the language that served as a }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in New Spain and neighboring }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 audiencias.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452     }{
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  During Mexico's pre-hispanic and colonial periods Nahuatl was employed as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca.}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Several investigators have analyzed manuscripts written in a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  variant of Nahuatl. One group 
of texts are from regions where either Nahuatl was not spoken, or where it was one language in a multilingual environment. In these contexts, it was precisely the multilingual situation and concomitant problems of communication which favored the developme
nt of Nahuatl as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
, undoubtedly learned by a local non-Nahuatl speaking elite to communicate with central Mexican traders and political representatives. Not surprisingly, colonial documents from areas where a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  variant of Nahuatl was apparently employed before the Conquest often manifest diverse linguistic phenomena which were archaic by the 16th century. 
\par \tab Although the term "}{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 " implies a standardized discourse employed to facilitate communication it is clear that Nahuatl as a }{
\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  exhibited significant variations that can in part be ascribed to the period in which Nahuatl was introduced as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  and the function which it served. In certain, mostly non-Nahuatl speaking, regions which had political and economic ties with central Mexico before the Conquest, Nahuatl was apparently employed as a }{
\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  to facilitate communication between the local non-Nahuatl speaking group and the Nahuatl speaking traders or political representatives that showed up. 
In these cases not only was Nahuatl used before the Conquest as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 but the variant employed was undoubtedly that spoken by the "intruders." It is likely that this variant was learned by the local non-Nahuatl speaking elite. Pre-hispanic biling
ualism in which one of the languages spoken was Nahuatl was apparently not uncommon among nobles whose mother tongue was not Nahuatl but whose communities either were incorporated into the Triple Alliance, or had extensive political and economic contacts 
with central Mexico. Cf. (here cite sources on Nahuatl bilingualism in pre-hispanic period). Although the Nahuatl used as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 in such circumstances was undoubtedly central Mexican it was also clearly not the same variant which the Spanish encoun
tered at Conquest. That is, Mexica Nahuatl was undergoing rapid and significant linguistic change in the century before Conquest. The important point to consider is the extent to which provincial }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Nahuatl responded to and followed the changes occurring in the central Valley. The extent to which it did not is the extent to which archaic forms are found in documents from these outer, non-Nahuatl speaking regions.

\par \tab A distinct situation occurs in areas in which Nahuatl was spoken before the Conquest. The necessity of a pre-Hispanic }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 variant of Nahuatl is, in general, in inverse relation to the degree of intelligibility between the local and central dialects. Nahuatl as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 in these areas reflects more colonial authorities' i
mposition of a standardized discourse for legal matters in the colony, than an indigenous need to facilitate communication. Apparently Spanish efforts were centered on imposing a standardized orthography and there was quite a bit of leeway in regards to m
o
rphology and lexicon. Thus colonial documents in these second type of region, often reflect local speech variation and, therefore, may be to some degree, and with important caveats, be employed to examine early colonial dialectological variation. Several 
authors (cf. Lockhart, Sullivan etc.) have used colonial documentation to discuss local linguistic variation. Below I discuss the extent to which colonial texts reflect local linguistic speech.
\par  Important studies of colonial Nahuatl documentation are: Dakin
 (2 articles on Azoyu and Guatemala) Lockhart (on titulos primordiales and Toluca), Lockhart et al. on Beyond the Codices, Sullivan on Tlaxcala, Kartunnen on orthography etc. Reyes on Chiapas Nahuatl, Sullivan and Dakin on Sahagun, etc.}}}{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 These studies have
 been motivated by a variety of concerns and goals. In some cases the Nahuatl documentation is unique and provides the only primary source for specific textual genres or historical occurrences.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 This is particularly true of corpuses such as the Tlaxcalan }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Actas de Cabildo}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 (cite the translations by L. Reyes et al. and by Lockhart) and the census documents from Cuernavaca (see Cline). Unique textual material are the chronicles, such as those of Chimalpahin translated and analyzed by Schroeder (cite).}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  In other instances Nahuatl documentation is particularly revelatory of internal social processes.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  For this, particularly the wills analyzed by Cline.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Still other sources, from wills to primordial titles, are offered as a type of window into Nahuatl culture and worldviews.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  See particularly the collection of documents in Beyond the C
\'f3dices, as well as the several articles translated by Lockhart in Nahuas and Spaniards.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Finally, religious texts offer a means to analyze intercultural communication and translatio
n of European concepts into an indigenous discourse. There are, however, several branches of inquiry that have received little attention, particularly the metapragmatics of discourse and the social and political context of textual production in early colo
nial indigenous villages.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 For analysis and presentation of colonial Nahuatl documents, see, in particular, Frances Karttunen and James Lockhart, }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 Nahuatl in the Middle Years: Language Contact Phenomena in Texas of the Colonial Period }{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1987); Arthur J. O. Anderson, Frances Berdan, and James Lockhart, trans. and eds. }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 Beyond the Codices: The Nahua View of Colonial Mexico}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 . UCLA Latin American Studies Series, vol. 27 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976); James Lockhart, Frances Berdan, and Arthur J. O. Anderson, }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
The Tlaxcala Actas: A Compendium of the Records of the Cabildo of Tlaxcala (1545\endash 1627) }{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 (Salt Lake City: Univ. of Utah Press, 1986); Reyes et al. (Tlaxcala actas), Sullivan (Tlaxcala actas)
, Dakin (on Guatemala docs., on Azoyu), Cline (article in Prem, book on wills), Dehouve (publ.) Leon-Portilla (publ), Cline and Leon-Portilla (wills). Make bibliography. Lockhart in Prem et al. etc.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 In this article I use a corpus of Nahuatl documents subm
itted in litigation against a parish priest to examine three aspects of the analysis of discourse and the politics of textual production that reveal the complex interaction of sociological and linguistic factors in the writing of an indigenous language as
 it was used in a colonial society. The documents I analyze date from 1609\endash 1612.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 These documents are located in AGN-Bienes Nacionales Leg. 443, Exp. 1. The "foja" numbers refer to the pages in Archivo General de la Naci\'f3n, Ramo de Bienes Nacionales, L
egajo 443, Expediente 1 and Expediente 6. The single expediente containing the charges and subsequent litigation against the priest Francisco Godi\'f1
o has been mistakenly divided into two non-consecutive expedientes, 1 and 6. Expediente 1 contains "fojas 1-203", Expediente 6 contains "fojas" 204 to the end.}} }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 They are from the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cabecera}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of San Agust\'edn Oapan and its }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 sujetos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 of San Miguel Tecuiciapan, San Francisco Ozomatl\'e1n, and San Juan Tetelcingo, }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  located along the banks of the Balsas River, east of the Mexico City\endash 
Acapulco highway (see map). These villages are in the heart of an area of central Guerrero known in colonial times as "couixca," in reference to a language once described as a "rustic" variant of central Mexican Nahuatl.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . See \'93Relaci\'f3n del pueblo de Iguala y su distrito,\'94 in Ren\'e9 Acu\'f1a, ed., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Relaciones geogr\'e1ficas del siglo xvi }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
(Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Aut\'f3noma de M\'e9xico, 1985) 6, pt. 1:333\endash 56.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab My first concern is how pragmatic considerations affect the form and content of tex
tual material. Colonial documents generally represent a highly reflexive use of language; they are often the result of a sociocultural process of textual production in which the propositional or referential role of language (its utilization to communicate
 knowledge about a particular state of affairs) is subsumed under the pragmatic role of language (its utilization as a tool to express desires and create particular effects upon the recipients of the elaborated text).}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 
\chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  Thus Elizabeth Mertz, \'93Pragmatics, Poetics, and Social Power,\'94 }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Annual Review of Anthropology }{\f0\insrsid3767452 23 (1994): 441, refers to legal language as \'93a crucial \lquote crossroads
\rquote  where social power and language interact.\'94}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  At its most one-dimensional level, the legal discourse of colonized peoples\emdash or of any people dominated by a structure of unequal power relations
\emdash represents a mechanism to challenge, and at times subvert, extant social relations through appeals to the systems of rights and duties that are entailed in the imposition of law. Litigation itself re
presents a highly formalized discursive technique, based as it is on a public proclamation of adherence to a dominant system of rules; in the context of a dispute between colonized and colonizers this often means that the colonized proclaim themselves as 
operating fully within the political and moral framework of the state\emdash 
while it is the colonizers who are charged with having exceeded the limits of permissible behavior. Yet if written accusations and testimony provide a gateway to the historical context wi
thin which colonial society unfolded, a closer approach (combined with an awareness of local-level politics and factional disputes) reveals lines of tension that ran beneath the litigation, providing an almost endless stream of subplots that texturize the
 
surface of the communities in dispute and illuminate patterns of intraethnic social division and political struggle. Thus analysis centering on the relationship of language to social organization becomes a valuable tool for interpreting the presence of un
derlying social divisions within a speech community. 
\par \tab My second concern is more formal: it involves an analysis of what may be referred to as the social registers and nonstandard expressions manifested in }{\f0\fs22\lang1036\langfe1033\langnp1036\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 discourse of dispute\emdash the way in which details of linguistic variation reflect salient social processes, particularly those concerned with the production and reception of texts.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 
\chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 .}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Rather than a mirror of nature, then, language instead contains fissures that when analyzed reve
al the complex morphology of social interaction. In early colonial New Spain indigenous litigation in a native language involved imbricated layers of expression that characterized, and partially defined, myriad speech communities: the domain of reverence 
that keyed access to the upper hierarchies of colonial power;}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . See the discussion in William F. Hanks, \'93Authenticity and Ambivalence in the Text: A Colonial Maya Case,\'94 }{
\i\f0\insrsid3767452 American Ethnologist}{\f0\insrsid3767452  13, no. 4 (1986): 721\endash 44.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  the strategies of presenting eviden
ce and reporting speech that, in the best of all possible worlds, would resonate in both the indigenous and Spanish worlds;}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. See the collection of essays in Jane H. Hill and Judith T. Irvine, eds., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Responsibility and Evidence in Oral Discourse }{\f0\insrsid3767452 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992); and John A. Lucy, ed., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 
Reflexive Language: Reported Speech and Metapragmatics }{\f0\insrsid3767452 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  the learned Nahuatl }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  that although the official native language of the Spanish courts a
nd the status language of a dispersed and multicultural native elite probably existed more as a linguistic goal than accomplishment; and, finally, a local vernacular that dodged in and out of the texts at various levels. Yet besides multiple speech commun
i
ties involved in the production and reception of a multitude of texts, there were other complications. The first was the use of voice. The presentation of grievances often involved the transmission of testimonials that had previously been presented before
 
village authorities; and these testimonials themselves often contained complaints against actions and the very language of the stygmatized priest. Thus grievances had a nesting structure of reports, and the elaboration of the final document often employed
 
metapragmatic structures for reporting speech. Another complication was the profusion of scribes who, even at the beginning of the sixteenth century and even in a region as remote as the Balsas River valley, were able to execute (though at different level
s of proficiency) the tasks of producing texts\emdash from censuses scribbled on a torn leaf of paper, to petitions addressed to the highest authorities. Literacy was apparently much less \'93restricted\'94 than might be imagined.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 
\chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  The concept of \'93restricted literacy\'94 derives from various works by Jack Goody, e.g. \'93Restricted literacy in northern Ghana,\'94 in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Literacy in Traditional Societies,}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968). See also the other contributors to this volume.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The second focus of
 this essay, therefore, is the transformation of speech into writing in different contexts, for different purposes, and by different scribes. 
\par \tab As literary production became an ever more quotidian facet of indigenous society, orality and textuality interacted in complex ways.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. For a study of such a process in early Medieval Europe, see Brian Stock, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1983). Also excellent, though more focused on legal documentation of land records, is M. T. Clanchy\rquote s definitive study, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 From Memory to Written Record: England, 1066\endash 1307}{
\f0\insrsid3767452 , 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1979). On different types of literacy, see Keith Thomas, \'93The meaning of literacy in early modern England,\'94 in Gerd Baumann, ed., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 
The Written Word: Literacy in Transition}{\f0\insrsid3767452  (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 97\endash 131.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Whether these patterns can ever be fully explicated is doubtful; however, a knowledge of the hi
storical linguistics of Nahuatl, early seventeenth-century variation, and the characteristics of the modern spoken language can add some light on the process of diachronic linguistic change. In so doing, the impact of colonial text production on subsequen
t
 linguistic developments can at least be suggested. Thus, my final concern is, at least superficially, more purely linguistic: the morphosyntactic and lexical characteristics of sixteenth-century Nahuatl in the Balsas River valley and subsequent patterns 
o
f linguistic change. In order explore the oral/written interface, I interpret colonial Nahuatl texts in light of Mexica introduced linguistic innovations, Nahuatl morphology before these Mexica influenced changes, the orthographic and lexical characterist
ics of Nahuatl as a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, and the character of the dialect now spoken in the region under study. Yet here again, there are a series of complicating factors. The first is that at no time can we simply state that there was one Nahuatl spoken in the B
alsas River valley (even disregarding the problem of intercommunity variation)\emdash speech varies, and has always varied, according to register, gender, age, social status, and context of utterance, among a range of influencing factors.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Compare to the diivisions to those proposed by Bright and Ramanujan, who isolated three levels of linguistic diversity: geographical (essentially dialectological variation), social (variation dependent on the identity of the speaker or addressee); and st
ylistic (variation related to context, and formality versus informality).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Apparently more so than in the present, during the early colonial period variation was more structured along status lines; it represented a situation more akin to diglossia, in which \'93
two varieties of a language exist side by side throughout the community, with each having a definite role to play.\'94}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  The definition is taken from the classic article by Charles A. Ferguson, \'93Diglossia,\'94
 in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Language Structure and Language Use: Essays by Charles A. Ferguson, }{\f0\insrsid3767452 selected and introduced by Anwar S. Dil (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1971), 1; originally published in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Word}{
\f0\insrsid3767452  15 (1959): 325\endash 40.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Couixca itself was fully intelligible with the central Mexican variant of Nahuatl; there would have been few if any communicative problems across the two dialects. Thus the form and function of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in the Couixca area responded to concerns q
uite distinct from those that existed in areas where a non-Nahuatl language was spoken at conquest.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  For Nahuatl as a lingua franca, see Karen Dakin, \'93The Characteristics of Nahuatl }{
\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Lingua}{\f0\ul\insrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Franca,\'94}{\f0\insrsid3767452  in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Nahuatl Studies in Memory of Fernando Horcasitas, }{\f0\insrsid3767452 ed. 
Frances Karttunen (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1981), 55\endash 67; for the production of Nahuatl texts in non\endash Nahuatl speaking areas, see Karen Dakin and Christopher Lutz \'b4tonetoliniliz... [check cite].}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  From a strictly communicative perspective, there would have been no need for a specific }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 variant of Nahuatl to have been used in the Couixca region. Rather, the probable existence of divergent forms of Nahuatl (during a time period that spans the Late Classic to early postcolonial periods) seems to
 reflect two aspects of the local linguistic situation: 1) an elite register influenced by the dominance and status of Aztec political and social organization; and 2) a postcolonial textual culture in which both scribal training and the pragmatics of usin
g
 language to access the hierarchies of power influenced the development of a standardized written language modeled on central Mexican grammar. In the area under study apparently there was an Aztec-influenced high form employed in early colonial litigation
 and probably spoken by the local elite; and a low form of \'93rustic\'94 Nahuatl known as Coixca, still spoken by the majority.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. For a discussion and Coixca, see Michael D. Coe and Gordon Whittaker, \'93Appendix 2,\'94 in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Aztec Sorcerers in Seventeenth-Century Mexico: The }{\f0\insrsid3767452 Treatise}{\i\f0\insrsid3767452  }{\f0\insrsid3767452 on}{
\i\f0\insrsid3767452  }{\f0\insrsid3767452 Superstitions}{\i\f0\insrsid3767452  by Hernando Ruiz de Alarc\'f3n }{\f0\insrsid3767452 (Albany: Institute for Mesoamerican Studies, State University of New York at Albany, 1982), 319\endash 23.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  One question that should be asked, then, concerns the extent to which (and in which village
s) the high form filtered into local speech patterns and has endured to the present. Certainly some aspects of modern-day subdialect variation can be attributed to the relative strength or weakness of high-form influence in village-bounded speech communit
i
es during the colonial period. Another, more general question is that of the relationship between speaking and writing in a colonial society characterized by highly unequal power relations and the proliferation of documents in the process of dispute resol
ution.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 . For Spanish legal culture, see Richard Kagan, }{\i\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 
Lawsuits and Litigants in Castile: 1500\endash 1700 }{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981).
\par }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab 
To some degree, the three levels of textual and discourse analysis I propose can be summarized as social, sociolinguistic, and linguistic, a progression of concerns that seem to increasingly decontextualize the text from the situation of its production an
d reception. The approach of this essay, nevertheless, is essentially that of linguistic anthropology\emdash 
an examination of the communicative and pragmatic (rather than strictly propositional) content of the texts and the multifaceted exploration of the rhetori
c of dispute. This approach can help us understand the characteristics of a speech community four hundred years in the past and the factors that might have influenced its change into the speech community of the present.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . See Hanks \'93Authenticity and Ambivalence in the Text.\'94}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \s1\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\keepn\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\i\f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\b0\i0\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
ii. the production of texts: form and function
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
The corpus of documents, all written in the Balsas River valley,}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . The }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 were written by local village scribes immediately after mass. The }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\insrsid3767452  (and falsified do
cuments) often lack a direct indication of where they were written, although they occasionally end with a short phrase that declares that they were drawn up in the pueblos of the area. For example, one set of }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{
\f0\insrsid3767452  from San Miguel Tecuiciapan terminates with: }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 nican ypan altepetl S. Miguel Tecuiciapan}{\f0\insrsid3767452  (here in the village of San Miguel Tecuiciapan; fol. 9v.). Frequently, however, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 
cap\'edtulos}{\f0\insrsid3767452  conclude with a simple note to the effect that they were drawn up before the local scribe, clearly implying that the text was written in the scribe\rquote 
s village. For instance, in one document the Oapan scribe certifies }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 nixpa omochiuh franco myn escribano}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 (drawn up before me, Francisco Martin, scribe; fol. 84f., also fol. 91f.). In sum, there is little reason to doubt that all the texts of the corpus were written by local scribes in the villages of the Balsas River region.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  comprise three principal types of texts: 1) 28 }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 or censuses, that certified the number of Indians who attended mass on specific dates;}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 All Nahuatl words are transcribed as written in the documents unless otherwise notes. They are also placed between slashes: //. The word /tepohualamatl/ derives from the indefinite object marker /te:-/ referring to "people" and then the verbal derivative
 /-pohual/ from the transitive verb /-powa/ "to count", followed by /a:matl/ or "paper".}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  2) six }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ,}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  I use the term }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
, when underlined, to refer to the entire document of grievances which I divide into the following sections: "introduction," "capitulos" and "conclusion." Thus the term "capitulos," when enclosed in quotes, refers exclusively to the specific part of the }
{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  in which the grievances are listed and numbered.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  or lists of grievances, formulated against the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of Oapan, Br. Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
o, by indigenous authorities in the Balsas River communities;}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Discuss the meaning of the term "beneficiado" which I use throughout this essay. Refer to difference of beneficiado from other priests, i.e. as recipient of "benefice."}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and 3) a set of \'93falsified\'94
 Nahuatl letters, signed and certified by a local scribe who surreptitiously added the names of village authorities, that express village support for the priest against the alleged machinations of a small minority of bellicose indigenous officials. The }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  were local records kept for the priest's benefit; the latter two types were petitions to be presented in Spanish courts. The scribes who composed the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , apparently well trained and closely connected to village hierarchies of power, were not the same ones who wrote the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and falsified letters}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Thus Francisco Mart\'ed
n of Oapan, don Lucas de Aquino of San Miguel Tecuiciapan, and Miguel Mart\'edn of Ozomatl\'e1n drafted the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of their respective }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblos. }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  were written by other scribes, either August\'ed
n de la Curoz of Ozomatl\'e1n (6 signed censuses) or Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s of Oapan (10 signed censuses); 12 censuses were unsigned.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Note the complete adoption of Spanish surnames. This w
as not the case in the mid-16th century. In general the parish of Oapan was noted for its early adoption of Catholocism and friendly dealings with Spaniards (in spite of the continuance of a sub-stratum of non-Christian beliefs). Cf. RG Iguala (in Acuna) 
and Ruiz de Alarc\'f3n.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  This dichotomization of scribal practice was mitigated in the falsified letters, in which census scribes undertook to represent a \'93hidden voice\'94
 of the Nahuatl communities, a voice that decried factional politics and the abuses of nobles while defending the priest and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 against the unwarranted charges that had been placed against them. Thus when factionalism rose to the surface\emdash inflamed by the death of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 who had defended, if not actually worked closely with, Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \emdash 
a key contest involved control of literacy and texts with which to make a case to the colonial authorities.
\par \tab In regard to structure, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  are simple. They follow a fairly strict format: the date of the census, where it was taken, and the resu
ltant numerical figures.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. The format is virtually identical to the few censuses in this document that were written in Spanish; they are also not unlike the population reports in several sixteenth-century ecclesiastical documents such as the }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Relaci\'f3
n del arzobispado de M\'e9xico}{\f0\insrsid3767452 , and the corresponding }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 relaci\'f3n}{\f0\insrsid3767452  of Tlaxcala.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  In contrast to the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap
\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 are elementary registers, essentially information tools for local use. As such they lack both a specialized, quasi-universal, formal l
anguage and a heavily loaded persuasive style. Nevertheless, occasionally they incorporate short poignant attacks on the Indians for not having attended Mass. Their linguistic structure, lexicon, and orthography are both less consistent and less "standard
"}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Here discuss meaning of "standard."}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  than that of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos. }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
Either the parochial purpose of the document freed the scribes from a cautious and reflexive use of standardized, nonlocal language or, a much more likely situation, the scribes who re
corded the census data were relatively untrained in the high form of presentation favored for litigation in the colonial courts. This question will be broached in the discussion of the falsified documents below.
\par \tab More interesting in regard to the censuses is the question of voice. At its ideal poles of opposition, the role of scribes shifts from one end\emdash  that of a first person report on an extant state of affairs\emdash to another\emdash 
that of describing the actions of the priest. Thus at one extreme are Spanish language censuses that were apparently written in Godi\'f1o\'b4s own hand and voice (fols. 286f \endash v) and in which the first person is prevalent throughout:
\par }\pard \ql \fi-1080\li1080\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin1080\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab yo el bachiller fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 godino benefisiado de este dicho Pueblo . . . pude contar . . . yo el dicho benefisiado . . . yse contar
\par \tab I, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 bachiller}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o, }{
\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of this village . . . was able to count . . . I, the said beneficiado . . . carried out a count

\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Here the scribe and the voice of authority, the priest, are one and the same.}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  At the other extreme are a few Nahuatl censuses that maintain a constant third person reference to Godi\'f1o, that is, they }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 describe}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  or }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 report on}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  what he did:
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri-960\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-960\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Axca donmigo xxii tonatiuh de Julio nica ypa altepetl
\par Santo augustin ohuapa yehuatzin totlaotatzin fra}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  gotino
\par penebiciato omotepohuili toteobiscatzin oquipouh
\par yn oquitaque misa chicnabohualli yu\'e3 xv tlacatl yspan
\par go}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 or}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  yu\'e3 alldesme regitoresme yu\'e3 piscal yu\'e3 mochitin
\par bibiltin nica quitlallia yn ipilma
\par 
\par Today Sunday July 22, here in the village
\par of San Agust\'edn Oapan, our beloved father Francisco Godi\'f1o
\par }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , he (rev.) carried out a count, our honorable priest counted
\par those who came to mass, 195 people, in the presence of
\par the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 fiscal}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and all
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab the nobles, here they set down their signatures
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri-960\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-960\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
Yet much more common than an unvarying first person discourse in a Spanish text, or an unvarying report in which the protagonist\rquote s (Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \rquote s) actions are described in the third person}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , are }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 switches in voice through 
the course of a brief census report. Some of these changes can be directly related to the genre of the text, others are more complicated and difficult to understand and suggest a type of interference perhaps to be expected in an emerging tradition of lite
racy. The most common deictic shift, one that is highly reminiscent of the switches that occur in wills and testaments,}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. For such documents, see Arthur J. O. Anderson, Frances Berdan, and James Lockhart, trans. and eds., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Beyond the Codices: The Nahua View of Colonial Mexico, }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
with a linguistic essay by Ronald W. Langacker (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1976), sec. 1; S. L. Cline, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Colonial Culhuac\'e1n, 1580\endash 1600: A Social History of an Aztec Town }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
(Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1986); and S. L. Cline and Miguel Le\'f3n-Portilla, trans. and eds., }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 The Testaments of Culhuacan }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
(Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Studies Center, 1984). For Nahuatl census records, see S. L. Cline, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 The Book of Tributes: Early Sixteenth-Century Nahuatl Censuses from Morelos }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
(Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Studies Center, 1993).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  occur when the priest is consistently presented in the first person\emdash }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oniquipouh}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (I counted)\emdash although the document itself ends with a first person self-reference by the scribe\emdash }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nixp\'e3 omochiu nimartin andres niescriuan }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (before me it was done, I, Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s, scribe; fol. 282v). Slightly more problematic are shifts in the person in the body of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . 
\par \tab In the following text, besides the incongruous }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh ehuati notla}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2070\langfe1033\langnp2070\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'e7}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 opilhua }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (he counted them, my dear children) that I discuss in following, there is a switch from indirect to direct citation manifested in the change from }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote he counted it\rquote  in the third line to }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oniquipouh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote I counted it\rquote  in the penultimate line:
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 axca xuepes xxv tonanatiuh 1610 a\'f1
os ypa ylhuitl totla\'e7ona
\par tzin yehuatzin totla\'e7oteopiscatzin fra}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  cotino fenepiciaton oq~
\par pouh ehuati notla\'e7opilhua oquitac misa \'e7an isquich napohuali
\par yhua chicnahui tlacatl oquitac misa yspa altesme auh
\par cequime mochi opoliuhque cholotinemi yspa coperna
\par tor yhua alteme rexitoresme oniquipouh napohuali tlaca oquich
\par tli yhua chicnahui tlacatl
\par }{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri-960\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-960\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Today Thursday the 25th day of [month not recorded] 1610, during the fiesta of our beloved mother
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 our dear priest Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o, }{
\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , counted 
\par them, my dear children, who came to mass, all of them together totaled
\par 89 people, they came to mass before the }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 .
\par A few or many were abstent, they go around fleeing. Before the }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par and the }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores,}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  I counted 89 men
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab Yet more idiosyncratic switches are not unusual, ones that cannot be ascribed to a \'93notarial\'94 style of textual production nor to shifts from indirect to direct quotation. One example of such a problematic change is voice is illustr
ated by the repeated phrase }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh nopilhuan }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \lquote he counted my children\rquote  (fol. 282v; see also 284f and compare to }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh ehuati notla}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2070\langfe1033\langnp2070\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'e7}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 opilhua, }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
with the independent third person pronoun }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ehuati,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in the above text) in which the priest is not, as would be expected, the possessor of the noun (}{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -pilhuan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
). Given the genre and the structure of religious discourse in Nahuatl-speaking communities, it is clear that neither could the scribe be the first person possessor. A phrase such as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh nopilhuan}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  appears as a sort of half-way stop between either }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oniquipouh nopilhuan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (\lquote I counted my children\rquote ) or }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquipouh ipilhuan }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (\lquote he counted his children\rquote ) neither of which ever appear in the corpus. Rather, }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nopilhuan}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  appears so often through the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  that it suggests 
a sort of reduced-context lexicalization in which the entire construction }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nopilhuan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  has come to signify \'b4flock.\'b4 
\par \tab Related to the above is another perhaps more dramatic shift in voice through the use of what appears to be the vocative, a grammatical form t
hat usually appears only in direct address. In the two below I first give the expected (and standard) employment of the vocative in a written text, a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulo}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 presented by the nobles of San Miguel Tecuiciapan in a document submitted directly to the investigating priest, Br. Hernando Ruiz de Alarc\'f3n. The next example represents an the idiosyncratic use of the vocative in a }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 :
\par }\pard \ql \fi-1080\li1080\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin1080\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab thotla\'e7omahuizteopiscatlatocatzinne mispatzinco tineci yn timotla\'e7onpilhua (fol. 124f)

\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Oh our beloved and revered priestly authority! Before you we appear, we who are your beloved children
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 In the censuses the following often appears:
\par \tab oquipouh nopilhuane \'e7an ixquich onezqui (fol. 282v)
\par \tab He counted, Oh my children!, all of those who appeared
\par 
\par \tab The vocative ending here, }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -e}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, becomes a highly loaded emotive replacement for the usual second person subject, the most common form of opening address in petitions submitted to colonial judges. In the censuses, however, the vocative represents the endpoint of a discursive journey fr
om simple reference (a) to reported speech:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab a) *oquipouh ipilhuan\tab \tab he counted his children (not manifested)
\par \tab b) oniquipouh notlaopilhua\tab I counted my beloved children (287v)
\par \tab c) oquipouh nopilhuan\tab \tab he counted my children
\par \tab d) oquipouh nopilhuane\tab \tab he counted you who are my children! (282v)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab Another shift occurs in the morphosyntactic representation of personal names and offices. Thus one census begins }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nehuatl theopisqui fra}{\i\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato oniquipouh notlaopilhua}{\cs16\i\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . Here we see the expected agreement of subject of transitive verb }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 ni-}{\f0\insrsid3767452  
\lquote I\rquote  with possessor of object, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 no-}{\f0\insrsid3767452  \lquote my\rquote ); cf. to the case of }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 oquipouh}{\f0\insrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 nopilhuan}{\f0\insrsid3767452  just mentioned.}
}}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  oquitaque misan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (I the priest Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o, beneficiado, I counted my dear children w
ho have come to mass; fol. 287f) but ends, as do most censuses, with }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 noyxpa augusti de la curuz es}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\super\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
cri}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pano}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (before me, Agust\'edn de la Cruz, scribe).}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\super\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . The sequence }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 nehuatl theopisqui fraco gotinno }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
represents a more subtle switch in reference. Most dialects of Nahuatl cross-reference the subject marked on independent pronouns and predicate nouns. Thus the expected form would be }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 nehuatl nitheopisqui (ni)fraco gotinno }{
\f0\insrsid3767452 (I the priest Francisco Godi\'f1o; lit. I, I am the priest, (I am) Francisco Godi\'f1o). Whether 
the recorded form represents a scribal idiosyncrasy, a localized grammatical construction, or a midclause switch in person is not clear, but it may well indeed reflect a tension in writing between first and third person discourse. In one census the more s
tandard form is realized: nehuatl nitheopisqui fraco gotinno (fol. 287v)}}}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 A final example of the manifestation of person marking on nouns is revealed in a text already cited (see (c) below) in which the textual style is most fully in accord with what we would expect from our understanding of Nahuatl grammar:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri-960\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-960\lin0\itap0 {\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab a)\tab nehuatl theopisqui fra}{\i\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato oniquipouh notlaopilhua
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab b)}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \tab 
noyxpa augusti de la curuz es}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\super\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cri}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pano}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab c)\tab nixp\'e3 omochiu nimartin andres niescriuano}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par The final example (c) marks person throughout, on the proper names and office through the first person subject marker }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ni-}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (}{\i\scaps\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ni-}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 martin andres, }{
\i\scaps\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ni-}{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 escribano}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
), as expected in Nahuatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 .}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  For the best account of this marking, see Launey [cite thesis and grammar 
book], who for this and other reasons refers to Nahuatl as manifesting \'93omnipredicativity,\'94 one of the feature of which is that all nouns are nominal predicates: }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 cihuatl}{\f0\insrsid3767452  \lquote woman\rquote  is actually }
{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 \'f8-cihuatl }{\f0\insrsid3767452 \lquote she is a woman,\rquote  with the third person subject marker }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\insrsid3767452 . See also Andrews, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Introduction to Classical Nahuatl}{
\f0\insrsid3767452  (Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1995).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The literal translation would be \lquote Before me it was done, I am Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s, I am a scribe.\rquote  In contrast to Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s
\rquote s standard use of person marking, Agust\'edn de la Cruz\rquote 
s documents manifests both the simple loss of predication in (b), and perhaps a more unusual midphrase deictic shift in direct citation (a). If one assumes person marking on all nouns, then (b) and (c) become:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yxpan }{
\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 augusti de la curuz }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 es}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cri}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pano (where }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no- \lquote }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 my\rquote  and \'f8- \lquote he\rquote 
 mark person)
\par \tab Before me, he is Agust\'edn de la Cruz, he is a scribe (literal translation)
\par \tab Before me, Agust\'edn de la Cruz, scribe (contextual translation)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri-1440\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-1440\lin0\itap0 {\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nehuatl theopisqui fra}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato oniquipouh notlaopilhua (}{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
nehuatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  = first person ind. pronoun)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab nehuatl }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
theopisqui }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 fra}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno }{
\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f8-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 peneficiato o-}{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ni-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 qui-pouh }{
\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tlaopil-hua
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri-720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin-720\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab I, he is a priest, he is Francisco Godi}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o, he is a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, I counted them my beloved children (literal)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab I, Francisco God}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 i\'f1o, }{
\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , I counted my beloved children
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Schematically, the shift can be represented as follows, in which }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst 
SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  indicates a constancy of person reference and }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 103 \\f "Webdings" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f70\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  indicates a break in person reference:
\par }\pard\plain \ql \fi720\li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nispan   }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
{\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab ni-escriuano\tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab ni-martin andres}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 noyxpan }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 103 \\f "Webdings" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f70\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 114 \\f "WP MultinationalA Helve" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f169\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -augustin de la curuz\tab }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 114 \\f 
"WP MultinationalA Helve" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f169\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -escribano\tab   }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par nehuatl\tab   }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 103 \\f "Webdings" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f70\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 114 \\f 
"WP MultinationalA Helve" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f169\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -theopisqui\tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 114 \\f "WP MultinationalA Helve" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f169\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -fra}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  gotinno\tab   }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\ul\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 114 \\f "WP MultinationalA Helve" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f169\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\ul\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -peneficiato
\par }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi720\li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Certainly one particular case of deictic shift can be accounted for by genre\emdash the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  as notarial documents in which a first person testimonial voice (\lquote I counted\rquote ) is followed by a first person authoritative voice (\lquote 
Before me it was done\rquote ). Another type of shift\emdash from \lquote he counted\rquote  }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote 
I counted\rquote \emdash perhaps indicates more of a discursive tactic, a switch from indirect to direct speech despite the absence of any overt markers of a shift to reported speech (such as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquito}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote he said\rquote  or }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquili}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote he said to him\rquote ) that do appear in the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (see below). Other shifts are more problematic: }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquito nopilhuan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 (he counted [them, they who are] my children) and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquito nopilhuane}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 (he counted you my children!) and perhaps represents a type of contextual lexicalization. Finally, and most i
nteresting, is the loss of predication on proper names and titles of office in the writing style of some scribes. I would suggest that this process began as proper names and accompanying offices became affixed to the ends of documents as indexes of author
ity and agreement rather than direct (and first person) assertions of identity. In the lists of village officials\rquote 
s names that close legal documents; I have yet to find a case in which the signature is accompanied by the first person subject marker, whether
 or not it was actually written by the scribe or by the official himself. Thus if loss of predicativity began at the borders of written texts, then perhaps we may reinterpret the difference between }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
nispan niescriuano nimartin andres }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 noyxpan augustin de la curuz escribano}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 as one of discursive function. In the former the predicative construction }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 niescriuano nimartin andres}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 is effectively a transcription of an orally based discourse, in the latter }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 augustin de la curuz escribano}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 has left the realm of orality and become a documentary device, a signature, for asserting authority. Viewed in this manner, }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nehuatl theopisqui fra}{\i\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato oniquipouh notlaopilhua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  is a mistake in genre not grammar, in effect a signature was i
nserted at the beginning rather than the end of a document, hence its rather disturbing qualities. Formally, then, the problematic phrase may be reinterpreted:
\par }\pard \ql \fi720\li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nehuatl }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 theopisqui fra}{\scaps\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co 
}{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oniquipouh notlaopilhua }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par nehuatl oniquipouh notlaopilhua\tab | \tab }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 theopisqui fra}{\scaps\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gotinno peneficiato
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab direct reported speech\tab \tab \tab |\tab signature
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par In sum, an analysis of voice in the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  reveals a complex of factors that relate both to early colonial practices of textual produ
ction as well as issues of the relationship of genre to linguistic function and change. Whether or not predicativity was first lost in the highly literary code of signatures, the constant switches in person reflect an incipient practice that was still, in
 the early seventeenth century, situating itself as a new form of discourse.
\par  \tab The }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  are more complex that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
; they contain three structurally distinct sections: 1) the "introduction," the village authorities' initial exposition of th
eir complaints before the colonial legal authorities; 2) the "accusations," a list of numbered grievances against the incriminated priest; and 3) the "closing," a final paragraph that sometimes manifests a formal phraseology comparable to that of the "int
r
oduction" and usually ends with the signatures of the village authorities. As expected, the language of the "introduction" is highly formalized. The "accusations," which constitute the main corpus of the documents, are linguistically much less structured 
and at often directly report dialogue among the parties involved.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Cf. Lockhart (198-) for discussion of the use of dialogue and other "indigenous" speech patterns in colonial Nahuatl documents.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Finally, "closings" are highly formalized and, akin to "introductions," utilize set phrases. 
\par \tab Within the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  "introductions" served as "openings,"}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
\chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  For a discussion of "openings" in discourse, cf. Sacks and Schegloff.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  linguistic keys to esta
blish legitimate access to the Spanish judicial system. Although the semantic content of these "introductions" is that of abject reverence before the higher colonial authorities, the domination and exploitation of a rigid formal syntactic and lexical stru
c
ture functioned as a linguistic token indexical of authority and of membership in the category of an indigenous elite permitted special access to legal protection. A single discursive technique, therefore, allowed the "introductions" to establish both the
 
right of petition and the duty of obedience. Both the content and form of the "introductions" were, moreover, heavily restricted and specialized codes perhaps influenced by prehispanic patterns of honorific rhetoric, but circumscribed by the requirements 
and requisites of hispanic legal discourse.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 An important question is the degree to which the stylistized discourse which follows reflects Spanish colonial influence, or pre-hispanic reverential dialogue
s between social inferiors and superiors. Probably both influences were important although the paragraphs presented below seem more reflective of the constraints of Conquest imposed discourse.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Some Nahuatl scribes certainly learned these introductory form
ulae by heart, enabling them to draft petitions that, although in their native tongue, mirrored the written oratorial structure employed in colonial litigation. Indeed, a surprising characteristic of Nahuatl colonial documents is that, despite the vast ar
ea of their provenance and despite notable differences in orthography, lexicon, and grammar, they begin in very similar manners.
\par \tab The "introduction" to the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of San Juan Tetelcingo}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
\chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  All spellings have been standardized to the modern spellings of each village.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 illustrates the local scribe's mastery of the stylized language validating the Indian group's right to appear before the Spanish courts, in a text that bears the imprint of both colonial and autochthonous genres (though it is not always ea
sy to clearly distinguish the two):}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . Thus, for example, the phrase }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 
ticmahuiztenamiqui yn motlatocamahuizmatzin motlacamahuizycxitzin}{\f0\insrsid3767452  is clearly related to the Castillian \'93beso sus manos y pies\'94 though elaborated within the reverential style of Nahuatl greetings. See Hanks, \'93
Authenticity and Ambivalence in the Text,\'94 730 and, particularly, 732, for what I believe is a mistaken effort to see a similar metaphor in a Mayan text as an indigenous element. Nevertheless, in both the Mayan and Nahuatl texts, a 
Spanish foundation is elaborated within indigenous \'93aesthetic and rhetorical conventions\'94 (p. 730).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
Mispantzinco tineci yn titocemahuiztlatocatzin ticmahuiztenamiqui yn motlatocamahuizmatzin motlacamahuizycxitzin tehuanti timocnomacehualtzitzinhuan nica
n tichaneque sanct. juan teteltzinco timohinti pipilti altepehuaque ma xitehmopalehuili ma ycnotlamati yn motlatocayolotzin yhuan audiencia ma techmopalehuiliz ca yzcatqui yn cenca huey tonetequipachol. huel cenca tehmotolinilia. toteopiscauh francisco go
dino (fol. 10f.)}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Note in general the particular orthography in which the scribe employs an /h/ for the sound "ch".}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
We appear before your revered presence, you who are our only and venerable ruler. Respectfully we incline ourselves to kiss your roya
l and noble hand, your royal and noble foot, we your helpless vassals. Here we stand, citizens of San Juan Teteltzingo, all of us, nobles and citizens. Please honor us with your help. May your royal heart take pity upon us and with the Real Audiencia plea
se help us. It is here that we set forth our very great affliction, how our priest, Francisco Godino causes us great suffering.
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri720\sa120\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Four of the six }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  begin in a similar manner, directly addressing the viceroy and viceregal authorities in the second person; the first set of grievances from San Miguel Tecuiciapan contains no \'93introduction\'94
 at all (the text begins directly with the accusations), while that of San Francisco Ozomatl\'e1n opens with a third person reference to the viceroy:
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yspantzinco tineci tomahuiztlatocatzin yn s}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 or}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  visorrey tehuan
\par ti yn tipilhu\'e3 yn timacehualtzitzinhu\'e3 y nic\'e3 tochan Sanct
\par Frac}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  o\'e7omatlan yn itechpa ynic techmotolinilia yn teyopix
\par qui fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  godino auh nican tichchihua yn icapitolo yn isquich
\par ytlatoliniliz camo tiztlacati ca yspantzinco dios.
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab We appear before our revered ruler, he who is viceroy, we
\par \tab who are his children, we who are his vassals, here in our village, Sanct
\par \tab Francisco O}{\f0\fs22\lang2070\langfe1033\langnp2070\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'e7}{\f0\fs22\lang1030\langfe1033\langnp1030\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
matlan in regards to the manner in which the priest Francisco Godino
\par \tab causes us to suffer. Here we elaborate this set of grievances with all
\par \tab his affronts. Truly we do not lie, truly it is before God.
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri720\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab Following each \'93introduction,\'94
 is a series of "grievances" that contain anywhere from 6 (the second set of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  from T
ecuiciapan) to 27 (the second set from Oapan) accusations. Whereas the "introductions" utilize a formalized language to authenticate rights to an exclusive arena of political and legal exchange, the "grievances" are testimonials, oriented to propositional
 content and referential communication. Yet at the same time, as the most individualized sections of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos, }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
they utilize an extremely emotive language reflects the status of grievances as personal expressions of events and as rhetorical devices to c
onvince the judges of the truth and seriousness of the charges. The two examples below illustrate the dramatic change in style, the shift away from a rigid formality to the direct expression of reported speech:
\par }\pard\plain \s33\ql \li720\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx90\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
yquetlamantli capitolo yn itlatlacol francisc
o godino oquitolini don caspar diego alcaldes camo ytla ytlatlacol [sic] teyopan huel oquitolini oquilhui cuiloni camo tipilli ca timazatl tihueyaco mochi tlacatl yspan testico camo tiztlacati ca yspantzinco dios. (San Francisco Ozomatlan f. 5f.)
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab The third grievance against the sins of Francisco Godino. He mistreated the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Don Gaspar Diego who was indeed without fault. He greatly humiliated him in the Church. He called him a sodomite. \'93
You are not a noble, you are a wild beast, you are a rogue.\'94 All the people of the village were witness. Truly we do not lie, truly it is before God.
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
Ynnic centlamantli: yn ilihuiztlatol yn teyopixqui francisco gudino ynnic techmahuiliya tialldestin tiregidoresme tipipiltin techilhuiya tleypampa yn annechtlaliliya y
n nomecauh xihuala allde cuix monamic cuix mochpoch cuix nozo momecauh cuix motlazoh yn nehuatl quema ca nomecauh ca notlazohuelitiz niccalaquiz nican hualaz yn nochan niquintlayecoltiz yn nipilhuan ca ya neli yn niuhqui quichihua ca tiquita yn timochinti
n (San Agustin Oapan, fol. 87f)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
The first grievance against the indiscreet language of Francisco Godino. This is how he dishonors us, we who are }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , we who are }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , we who are nobles. He says to us, \'93With what reason have you incriminated me with having a lover? Come here }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
alcalde}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ! Is she your wife perhaps? or perhaps your daughter, or maybe your lover, your sweetheart? And about me? Yes, she is truly my lover. It is my esteemed right to take her in [to
 my house] and for her to come! I will maintain her children in my house!\'94 This is truly the manner in which he acts. Indeed all of us have seen it. 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynic castoli omome yn inemiliz y fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  gutino bdo huel ceca yc panpaqui ynic ya timohuica y castila huel quitohua ceca yc ninoyollalia ynic ya mohuica castila yn amotlatocauh axc\'e3 ce tlamatli mochihuaz yn iquac opopoliuhqui yn altepetl yn ohuap\'e3
 quiniquac niyaz ytemachtilizpa oquito yteop\'e3 (San Agust\'edn Oapan, fols. 2f\endash 4f)
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The seventeenth, about the behavior
 of Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o, }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , he was very happy with this that you are going to Spain, and he says, \'93
I will now be at peace with this that your lord is leaving for Spain, as of now things will be different, and it will only be when this village of Oapan is destroyed that I will leave.\'94 In his sermon in the church, this is what he said.
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynic 6 tlam\'e3tli capitolo ytlatlacol fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  godino camo ytla ytlatlacol don diego de la cruz fiscal huel oquitoli ni ypanpa oquitlamiliaya salario teyopantlaca camo quimacaznequi \'e7
an ic oquimicti oquitzotzomonili ytilma oquilhui cuiloni tlacatecolotl camo cepa tifiscales timochihuaz ymanel totlatocauh ar\'e7obispo ynahuatil ticpia camo ytequiuh ca nehuatl ca notequiuh ca nochan
\par ca nehuatl nitlanahuatiz ca niteyopixqui mochi tlacatl testico camo tiztlacati ca yspantzinco dios
\par }\pard \ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab The sixth grievance against the sins of Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o, through no fault he caused don Diego de la Cruz, }{
\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 fiscal}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , great suffering, because he had used up all the funds to pay the men who helped out in 
the church, he did not want to give it to them. Just for this reason he caused him great suffereing, he rippied his cloak, he called him a sodomite and a rogue. \'93
Never again will you become fiscal, even if you were to receive an order from our superior, the archbishop. It is not his perrogative. It is mine! It is my perrogative! It is my home! It is me who gives orders! I am the priest!\'94
 All the people bear witness, truly we do not lie, it is before God.
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 In the last example one can almost envision the priest pounding his point home in an ardent assertion of his rights.}
{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 
{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  The same rhetorical technique is employed by those of Oapan and other }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 pueblos}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 . In general, as I discuss below, the heaviest manifestation of deviance from a standardized variety of Nahuatl as a }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 may be expected to occur in these testimonial passages. }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Thus the parallelisms in the final example are much distinct, in form and content, from those in the \'93introductions,\'94
 although both to a considerable extent reflect indigenous communicative strategies. The introductory parallelisms are focused more on establishing authority to access the Spanish legal system, the latter ones on creating the authenticity to convince it.

\par }\pard\plain \s34\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
Finally, a grievance from San Miguel Tecuiciapan, provides a particularly striking use of direct quotation in a dialogue between an }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde }{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
and the priest in which the constant insertion of }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquilhui}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (literally, \lquote he said to him\rquote ) serves in this context to mark the beginning of a quoted utterance. The orig
inal Spanish \'93translation\'94
 of the Nahuatl text illustrates a particularity of the role of literacy in colonial New Spain that has not received much comment: the change in voice and nonreferential or pragmatic aspects of discourse that occurs when Nahuatl d
ocuments are submitted in Spanish. Indeed, the difference between the two texts suggests how much we might learn about Nahuatl literacy and colonial texts by comparing the original to the Spanish version:}{\cs16\f0\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 There has been an unfortunate lack of attention to the ways in which original language and translated texts differ. I put \'93translation\'94 in scare quote to indicate the problematic aspects of Nahuatl-Spanish interaction in colonial literacy.}}}{
\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par }\trowd \irow0\irowband0\ts11\trgaph108\trleft-108\trbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrh\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrv\brdrs\brdrw10 \trftsWidth1\trpaddl108\trpaddr108\trpaddfl3\trpaddfr3 \clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrnone \clbrdrl\brdrnone \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr
\brdrs\brdrw10 \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx4680\clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrnone \clbrdrl\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrnone \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx9468\pard\plain 
\s39\ql \li0\ri252\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx4230\faauto\adjustright\rin252\lin0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynnic chiquacetlamatli capitolo ynitlatlacol fra}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  gotino axc\'e3 domigo x mani metztli de Julio huel yohuatzinco oquito missa auh yn nalcaldes do miguel barthasal yquac oquiz misa nima oyatia comonidad oc\'e3
 oquinotzato teopa topille quilhuia mitzmonochilia teopisqui nim\'e3 oya ynahuac oquilhui xihualla alcaldes huel otineznequi titlahuelilloc yhua don llocas yhua don miguel gasbar aldes acuillo... ome nim\'e3
 oconaqui ymbara allde huel ytech oppozte huel yc oquihuihuitec oquilhui notatzinne theycatic a...quistia croz ca ynitetzinco momiquili dios nima oquit...opsqui ma nel ytech momiquil dios auh y tehuatl cuis... dios nima ye yc ocacitihuetzqui huel yp\'e3
 ochocholo o...xayacatlatlatzinni nima oquilhui totatzinne xinechmocahuili huel ye tinechmotolinilia nima oquilhui ma ximiqui aqui mitzpalehuiz aqui mopa tlatoz ca ye omic moteco don loys devallasgo camo tiquiztlacahuia ca yn misp\'e3 fiscal yhua teop\'e3
 topilleque yhua alhuacil mayolti yhua pipilti nic\'e3 ticnetilia tictlalia tofirma canmo tiztlacati canica tohua yspatzinco dios\cell }\pard\plain \s34\ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 
\f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Quel dho benefi\'e7iado el domingo a diez de julio aviendo dicho misa muy de ma\'f1
ana, y aviendose ydo a sus casas enbio al alguasil de la yglesia por don miguel baltasar alcalde y aviendo benido a su presen\'e7ia le dixo quel y don lucas y don miguel gaspar alcalde eran muy gran
des vellacos putos, y quitando la vara, al alcalde le dio de palos con ella ha\'e7iendosela peda\'e7os, y di\'e7iendole el alcalde que porque le dava con la cruz en que dios murio le dixo, quel no era dios y le dio de bofestones y co\'e7es y di\'e7
iendole no le tratase tan mal le dixo que no inportava que muriese que ya era muerto su amo don luys de velasco, todo lo cual es verdad y lo 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 firmaron de sus nombres
\par 
\par esta bien y fielmente trasuntado a mi saber y entender y por verdad lo firmo de mi nonbre \tab 
\par 
\par Jhonan grandes [rub.]
\par }\pard\plain \s34\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 \f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \cell }\pard\plain 
\ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\intbl\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \trowd \irow0\irowband0\ts11\trgaph108\trleft-108\trbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrh
\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrv\brdrs\brdrw10 \trftsWidth1\trpaddl108\trpaddr108\trpaddfl3\trpaddfr3 \clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrnone \clbrdrl\brdrnone \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrs\brdrw10 \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx4680\clvertalt
\clbrdrt\brdrnone \clbrdrl\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrnone \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx9468\row }\trowd \irow1\irowband1\lastrow \ts11\trgaph108\trleft-108\trbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrh\brdrs\brdrw10 
\trbrdrv\brdrs\brdrw10 \trftsWidth1\trpaddl108\trpaddr108\trpaddfl3\trpaddfr3 \clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrl\brdrnone \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrs\brdrw10 \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx4680\clvertalt\clbrdrt
\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrl\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrnone \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx9468\pard \ql \li0\ri259\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin259\lin0 {
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The sixth grievance of the sins of Francisco Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
o, today Sunday the 10th day of the month of July, very early in the morning he said Mass. And the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 don Miguel Baltasar, when he departed from Mass, he was going along to the community house, there a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 topile}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of the church went to call on him, he told him, \'93
The priest is calling you.\'94 Right away he went to him. He said to him, \'93Come here, alcalde! You wanted to show up, you are a rogue. And along with the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 don Lucas and don Miguel Gaspar you are all sodomites.\'94 Then right away he reached out for the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde\rquote }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
s staff and he broke it against him, in this way he beat him badly. He said to him, \'93Oh my honored father! Why have you taken the cross upon which God died?\'94 And right away the priest said, \'93
As if God died on it indeed! And you, perhaps . . . God.\'94 Then right away he grabbed him, he kicked him around a lot, he slapped him on the face. Then he said, \'93Oh father! Please let me go! You are causing me great suffering.\'94 Then he said, \'93
Suffer then! He who would help you, he who would speak out on your behalf, he has already died, your lord, don Luis de Velasco.\'94 We do not lie about this, it occurred before the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 fiscal}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and the church }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 topiles}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alguacil mayor}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and the nobles. Here we do certify it, we sign our names. Indeed we do not lie. Indeed here with us and before God.}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \cell }\pard\plain \s34\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\intbl\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 \f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 That the said }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  on Sunday the 10th of July having said Mass very early in the morning and having [everyone] gone to their houses, he sent the }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alguacil}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 of the church to fetch don Miguel Baltasar }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and having come to him, he said to him that he and don Lucas and don Miguel Gaspar, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
alcaldes,}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  were all great rogues and sodomites. And taking away his staff, he set upon the }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  w
ith it, breaking it into little pieces. And the }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  was asking him why he was hitting him with the cross on which God died, he said to him that it wasn\rquote 
t God and he slapped him on the face and kicked him around, and saying to him that he shouldn\rquote t treat him so bad, he said to him that it didn\rquote 
t matter if he died, that his lord don Luis de Velasco had already died. All this is true and they signed their names.
\par 
\par It is well and faithfully translated according to my knowledge and understanding, and as true I sign it in my name, Jhonan Grades [rub.]\cell }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\widctlpar\intbl\aspalpha\aspnum\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0 
\f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \trowd \irow1\irowband1\lastrow \ts11\trgaph108\trleft-108\trbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrh\brdrs\brdrw10 \trbrdrv\brdrs\brdrw10 
\trftsWidth1\trpaddl108\trpaddr108\trpaddfl3\trpaddfr3 \clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrl\brdrnone \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrs\brdrw10 \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx4680\clvertalt\clbrdrt\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrl
\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrb\brdrs\brdrw10 \clbrdrr\brdrnone \cltxlrtb\clftsWidth3\clwWidth4788\clshdrawnil \cellx9468\row }\pard\plain \s34\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab Though not transcriptions of testimony, the Nahuatl \'93grievances\'94 invoked direct quotation to achieve immediacy and a discursive s
tyle that communicated an imminence of suffering and turmoil that would be lost in a language of legal formality or an unemotional communication of events. The shift to dialogue repositioned both plaintiffs and defendant in front of the Real Audiencia, mu
ch as the use of the second person address in the \'93introductions\'94 used discursive techniques of approximation to close the physical space that separated litigants from judge.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  For an account of Indian legal recourse in the colonial judicial system cf. Borah 198- . }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  But in the \'93grievance\'94
 section a different discursive strategy is apparent: the use of direct quotation and the emphatic rhetorical devices of indigenous linguistic culture. The litigants were no longer distant and impersonal to the authorit
ies who had to ponder the validity of the charges. Those from San Francisco Ozomatl\'e1n began with a reference to the fact that Godi\'f1o called an }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 a sodomite. But then the characters appear in dialogue. Not only does a deictic shift in discourse fashio
n proximity, but a colloquial and familiar language, a marked shift from the standardized formulae of the "introductions," revives testimony before the colonial judicial authorities and rivets attention on the force of the complaint. 
\par \tab Equally significant 
to form is the tenor of the complaints. The accusations manifest a clear awareness of the responsibilities of religious leadership and the exigencies of symbolic power within the colonial system. Some of the accusations, of course, are mundane and secular
, indeed the majority concern economic matters: Godi\'f1
o is accused of demanding, but not remunerating, labor; he orders food beyond the established limits and pays, if at all, well below the market value; his animals have caused damage that he refuses to rem
edy. Yet the plaintiffs are also careful to report behavior that is sure to offend the sensibilities of those who were to implement justice, particularly the archbishop and the viceroy. Godi\'f1o is thus accused of behavior unbecoming a priest\emdash 
of singing, dancing, and going about publicly in improper attire; of using injurious language against his flock; and of having a long-standing affair with the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, both before and after 1610 when her husband, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , had died. In addition, Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o 
}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 is reported to have insulted the viceroy, who was the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 encomendero}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 of Oapan, not only in the grievance just cited (where the viceroy\rquote s death is gleefully reported in the priest\rquote s voice) but in another, where Godi\'f1o was accused of saying that the viceroy would be drawn a
nd quartered upon his return to Spain. Neither the archbishop nor the viceroy could have been pleased to hear such reports.
\par \tab The }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  end as authoritatively as they began. Although in certain cases each "grievance" is followed by a set phrase\emdash such as the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 camo tiztlacati, ca ispantzinco dios}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (truly we do not lie, indeed it is before God) of Ozomatl\'e1n\emdash 
the formality of Spanish legal conventions fully returns only at the end of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in the \'93closing,\'94 after all grievances have been aired. It is he
re that scribes again follow the imperatives of European legal and notarial structures, often with a simple }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 noyxp\'e3 omochiu }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \lquote before me it was done\rquote 
 and always with a long list of signatures, of village nobles and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 principales.}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  As I have already discussed, th
e names listed have lost their predicative function and function more like iconic symbols of power. These lists serve as a final authoritative stroke. "Closings" are similar to "introductions," then, in that they employ a pragmatic code that affirms autho
rity through an impersonal structured discourse.
\par \tab The final set of documents to be discussed are three \'93falsified\'94 repudiations (from Oapan, Ozomatl\'e1n and Ostotipan, and Tecuiciapan; fols. 269f\endash 271v) of a first set of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  that were litigated in 1609, when the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , don Miguel de Santiago, was still alive.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . The extant }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\insrsid3767452  are four from April 1611 (Oapan, Tecuiciapan, Tetelcingo, and Ozomatl\'e1
n) and two from late summer of the same year (Oapan, Tecuiciapan). Previous litigation is only mentioned although the falsified documents of July 1609 were apparently drawn up by Godi\'f1o in response to the first }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{
\f0\insrsid3767452 .}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  They are falsified in the sense that the signatories repeatedly denied their participation; indeed, one of the grievances presented by the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
principales}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of San Miguel Tecuiciapan in the summer of 1611 was that Godi\'f1o had ordered Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s of Oapan to write a letter certifying that they fully supported the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . The three repudiations are quite similar; the one from Tecuiciapan may serve as example:
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Axcan fiernes cenpohualli onahui tonatiuh metztli Julliu 1609 a\'f1os nic\'e3 yp\'e3 altepetl sanc miguel
\par tecuiciapa tehu\'e3ti don lugas damia yu\'e3 don mi g}{\field\flddirty{\*\fldinst {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  eq \\O(r,~)}}{\fldrslt }}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a alde yu\'e3 don miguel gaspar alde yu\'e3 Regidoresme yu\'e3
 mochiti pipiltin altepehuaque nican ticneltilia melahuac yxpantzinco yn tt}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  dios c\'e3 nelli y yehuatl capitolos yn oquichiuhque y yehuatl yn fran}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  sanchez yu\'e3 don fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  dirci ytechcopan yn totla\'e7
otatzin tobeneficiado fran}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 co}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  gotino yu\'e3 ytechcopa dogonyernador d\'f5 miguel de santiag}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  ca y tehuanti nic\'e3 tiquitohua amo tictlallique yn dofirma yntimochinti \'e7a tehuanti matica oquitlallique ychtacaya ypanpa ca mochipa q
uimocuitla huia y bleytos y yhuanti quitollinia macehualtin quicuillia yn itlatqui ahui teopixqui yu\'e3 dogouernador amo ticmati yn itlatlacol ayc otechtollini ca techmotla\'e7otillia mochipa yu\'e3
 qualli quimochihuillia yn itequitzin mochipan techmachtia doctrina ca \'e7a teoyotl missa yc tzatzin y tonahuac techcuitlahuiltia aocmo ytla cen tlanmatli ytechcopa macihui yno nic\'e3 tiquintitlanque y topilhuan y mexico amo teyollocacopa \'e7
a yehuatl gorregidor otechcuitlahuilti ynic mochihuaz bleytos yn inahuac teopixqui yu\'e3 gouernador ypanpa gorregidor huel quiquallacaythua yn teopixqui \'e7anoyuhqui ynocce gorregidor catca \'e7
anoyuhqui oquichiuh nima yehuantin quipehualtia quitladolmaca ymacehualtin mochipa yuhqui quichihua y gorregidorti y mochihuaz ybletos yn ixquich otiquitoque nican ticneltillia tictlallia y tofirma y timochiti yxp\'e3tzinco centotla\'e7
oteopixcatzin ytoca diego de c\'e3vanillas nic\'e3 moyetztica yu\'e3 nixpa nimartin andres nican niescriuano aldepetl ohuapa
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Today Friday the 24th day of the month of July in the year 1609,
 here in the pueblo of San Miguel Tecuiciapan, we, don Lucas Dami\'e1n and don Miguel Garc\'eda }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and don Miguel Gaspar, }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcalde}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 and all the nobles, and residents, here we certify the truth before our Lord God. The }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  that don Francisco S\'e1
nchez and don Francisco Dircio placed against our beloved priest, our }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , Francisco Godi\'f1o, and against our }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , don Miguel de Santiago, here truly do we state that we did not sign them; they did it secretly because they are alwa
ys provoking disputes and it is they who make the commoners suffer, taking away what is theirs. But the priest and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, we do not know in what way they might sin, they never cause us to suffer. Indeed, they love us and always carry out their res
ponsibilities well, he always teaches us the doctrine, and it is only in relation to the divine Mass that he shouts and provokes us, never about anything else. And although we sent our nobles to Mexico, it was not our desire, it was our }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidor}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  who provoked us so that in this way grievances would be filed against the priest and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , on the part of our }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidor}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , who always views the priest with rage, as did another of our }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  who did the same. They begin things right away, they put words in the mouths of the commoners. This is the way our }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
regidor}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  always acts, so that there will be conflicts. This is all we have to say; here we set it down, here we place our signatures, all of us before one of our beloved priests, his name is Diego de C\'e3vanill
as, he is here, and before me, Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s, here I am the scribe in the village of Oapan.
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\lang1024\langfe1024\noproof\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
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\pard\plain \qc \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\insrsid3767452 Geneaology of Indigenous Nobility in Oapan: 1590\endash 1610
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Geneaology of Indigenous Nobility in Oapan: 1590\endash 1610
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\par 
\par don Miguel de Santiago (d. ca. 1590)          don Miguel de Mendoza (d. ca. 1591)
\par =\tab                                                     = do}{\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452 \'f1a Augustina}{\insrsid3767452 
\par don Agust\'edn de Ircio
\par 
\par 
\par don Miguel de Santiago (d. 1610)              don Francisco de Ircio
\par = do}{\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452 \'f1a Mar\'eda Sebastiana
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\par 
\par don Miguel de Santiago (d. ca. 1590)          don Miguel de Mendoza (d. ca. 1591)
\par =\tab                                                     = do}{\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452 \'f1a Augustina}{\insrsid3767452 
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\par 
\par 
\par don Miguel de Santiago (d. 1610)              don Francisco de Ircio
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}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab More so than any \'93legitimate\'94 document, the falsified texts suggest an underlying pattern of conflict that goes deeper than village vs. priest. All three documents link the priest and the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador, }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 don Miguel de Santiago, together as targets of don Francisco S\'e1nchez and don Francisc
o de Ircio, who are accused not only of provoking the dispute, but of oppressing the commoners and virtually forcing the other }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 principales}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 to support their litigation. The conflict, at least from Godi\'f1o\rquote s perspective, was one that pitted him and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  against Francisco S\'e1
nchez and Francisco de Ircio, at least as the principal instigators of the dispute. Contemporary documents seem to support this view, at least in part. Although the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 capitulos}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  present a transparent conflict between a monolithic indi
genous community, represented by the nobles and officials, and a priest who poorly fulfills the precepts and principles of his office, there are indications that the roots of the controversy go much deeper.
\par \tab In April 1593, a dispute erupted over the estate of another don Miguel de Santiago and his brother, don Miguel de Mendoza, both deceased. The conflict was between don Agust\'edn de Ircio and his aunt, do}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1a Augustina, whose holdings at one time included extensive lands, two black slaves, silver plates, gold jewlery, firearms, horses, and other valuables.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\super\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . See, particularly, Archivo General de la Naci\'f3
n, Ramo Indios, vol. 6, pt. 1, exps. 536 and 549; and vol. 6, pt. 2, exps. 806 and 881. Note that the last names Ircio and Mendoza are those of two early }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 encomenderos}{\f0\insrsid3767452  of Oapan, Mart\'ed
n de Ircio and the first viceroy Antonio de Mendoza. In 1610 the }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 encomendero}{\f0\insrsid3767452  of Oapan was the viceroy, Luis de Velasco II, who had married the daughter of Mart\'edn de Ircio and do\'f1a Mar\'ed
a de Mendoza, half-sister of the first viceroy. Note how Oapan nobles took the names of their earliest }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 encomenderos}{\f0\insrsid3767452 .}}}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 The dispute between nephew and aunt seems to have been part of a more extensive conflict, for in early June, Agust\'edn de Iricio and other }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 principales}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  had pressed charges against the }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , another noble named don Miguel de Santiago (not the Miguel de Santiago who was Agust\'edn de Ircio}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \rquote s father) for}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  having}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  charged excess tribute, used the communal coffer for his own benefit, and required Indians to give personal service in his fields
 and in his house. Within weeks, the viceroy received complaints leveled against Miguel Garc\'eda,}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Perhaps the same Miguel Garc\'ed
a mentioned earlier, a former }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 alguacil mayor}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  of Oapan. Cf. note ----.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Pedro Tecihuil, Francisco Tlahuan, and another Francisco, referred to as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 naturales}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , not as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 principales}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  nor office holders, of Oapan; this second set of charges might have been brought as a countersuit against a faction responsable for the earlier protest.
 Whatever its underlying basis, the disputes resulted in a sentence against the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 and an effective palace coup. On July 6, 1593, don Miguel de Santiago was removed from office until further notice; in the meantime the village }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  were empowed
 to govern.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Archivo General de la Naci\'f3n, Ramo Indios, Volume 6(2), Expediente 806.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab This second don Miguel de Santiago was undoubtedly the same individual who, later back in office, had formed an alliance of sorts with the }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Godi\'f1o had arrived around 1605 and }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 apparently used his position, with the acquiesence or active participation of Oapan's }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , to exploit Indian labor. Oapan was centrally located between the port of Acapulco to the south and the Taxco mines and urban market of Me
xico City to the north. It was also on the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 camino real}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (royal highway) that linked these centers. Thus, there was great opportunity for commerce and profit. Br. Gudi\'f1
o took advantage of this and was involved, probably with the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , in reaping large profits from mercantile activity. Testimony in the suit against Godi\'f1
o reveals a close relationship between the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 and his wife. Several witnesses relate that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and later his widow, often counseled the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  not to antagonize the Indians because, if angered, they would draw up }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  against him.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  All information which follows is from Archivo General de la Naci\'f3n, Ramo Bienes Nacionales, Legajo 443, Expediente 1. The counciling of the priest by the }{
\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  is reported several times: fols. 23v-27v.; 110v.-114f.; 247f.-248f. That of his wife is mentioned on fols. 46f.-49v. }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 And one witness, in 1611, states that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  had told him that the problems between Ircio and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  derived from the fact that Ircio gossiped about the "amistad maliciosa" (malicious friendship) of Godi\'f1o and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
. According to the charges, Godi\'f1o had frequently admonished, even insulted the Indians, stating that after the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
's death (in 1610) there was no man left who was capable of governing the village. Finally, both before and after don Miguel de Santiago's death, Godi\'f1o's relationship with the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , widow of don Miguel de Santiago, was subject to attack.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  One witness reported that Godi\'f1
o had sent food to the }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 , Do\'f1a Sebastiana, and that the witness had taken the food with other Indians playing flutes and singing. Same document, fols. 121f.-123v.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The immoral relationship between the priest and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  became a focal point in the litigation. Yet w}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 hatever the underlying nature of the dispute it seems clear that over a span of approximately 20 years, from the early 1590s to at least 1612, the highest levels of Oapan}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'b4s nobility was torn by }{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 internecine disputes. In t
he early seventeenth century this was between don Miguel de Santiago and his brother, don Francisco de Ircio.}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab In the perception of Br. Francisco Godi\'f1o the 1609 }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  attacked both him and don Miguel de Santiago.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  As stated, the falsifications were drawn up in 1609, at the time of the first }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
. These may have been directed not only against the priest, but against the }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  as well. Godi\'f1
o submitted the falsifications a second time, in his defense during the 1611 litigation and }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 . }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Thus the falsified texts defend both the priest and the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . These first set of accusations against Godi\'f1o and the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  failed: both don Francisco de Ircio and don Francisco S\'e1nchez were jailed on charges of spying on the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , while the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  unsuccessfully attempted to have both of them exiled. With the death of the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , however, don Francisco de Ircio, don Francisco S\'e1nchez and their supporters immediately drew up a new set of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
capitulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in an attempt to remove the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  from office; at least part of their attack was directed against do\'f1a Mar
\'eda Augustina, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 who now enjoyed the priest's support, if not his amourous attention. She is charged with being the "beneficiado's" lover. In an apparent attempt to resurrect the alliance that had proved so beneficial, Godi\'f1
o implied that she was the rightful ruler, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 gobernadora}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, of Oapan; in a set of questions that he submitted to be used to examine his witnesses one inquires whether the witness knows that Godi\'f1o "no ha tratado ni trata con do\'f1
a Sebastiana, gobernadora que fue del dicho pueblo de Oapa" (has not had and does not have relations with do}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1a Sebastiana, ex-}{
\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governadora}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of the said }{\i\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblo}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of Oapan).}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 This list of questions was submitted on Feb. 18, 1612 (fols. 204f.-211v.). On April 2, 1612 Don Agust\'edn G\'f3mez was }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  of Oapan (fol. 176f.). Godi\'f1
o was found guilty, in 1612, of the majority of charges presented in the various }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 . Although he was cleared of the accusation of immoral relations with the }{
\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 cacica}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  he was ordered to suspend all dealings with her. The text of the ruling on this matter is as follows:
\par }\pard \s15\ql \fi-720\li720\ri720\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx360\tx720\tqr\tx9360\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin720\lin720\itap0 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \tab ... cerca del trato sospechoso que dizen ten\'eda con la cacica do\'f1
a Sebastiana le absuelvo en los dichos dos cap\'edtulos de la instancia deste Juiz (sic) y le amonesto y mando que no hable, trate ni comuique en secreto a la dicha do\'f1a sevas tiana ni vaya a su casa ni la admita en la suya so pena que ser\'e1
 castigado.\tab (fol. 299f.)}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Although }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  did not succeed in removing Godi\'f1
o from office, the charges were confirmed by the diocesean ecclesiastical court. Godi\'f1o was enjoined from any trade in wax, candles, cotton, or other merchandize. He was not to mistreat the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 naturales}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , nor use them for transport. Nor was he to be given free food or personal service. Finally, he was fined a total of 150 pesos, including 50 pesos to buy a few necessary items for Oapan's parish Church.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\qj \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  The sentence is recorded on AGN-BN 443/1 fols. 299f.-301v.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab To a significant degree, the recurring disputes (1593, 1608, and 1611) were intracommunity political conflicts. The }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 were ostensibly village documents, although the standard rhetorical technique to announce this \emdash }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tehuantin tiyalcaldesme, regidorresme, yhuan mochiti pipilti yhua altepehuaque}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (we the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 alcaldes}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidores}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
, and all the nobles and citizens; fol. 8f.)\emdash might well represent a unity that was more ideal than real. As the Oapan litigation reveals, however, the existence of a pool of scribes, each to 
some extent inclined toward or allied with local power groups, was clearly a major factor that not only expedited litigation in the colonial courts, but also facilitated the public expression of contending voices. Each of the major textual genres, }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 and}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , were elaborated by a different set of scribes. The }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  were written by highly trained individuals associated with the indigenous nobility (the scribe of San Juan Tetelcingo, for instance, was also a }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidor). }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Less competent scrib
es were apparently relegated to the menial labor of church census records and perhaps community receipts. An examination of the literary skills of scribes assigned to each genre suggests that the separation of tasks was more than a simple division of labo
r. Idiosyncratic literacy skills, and outright errors, suggest that the separation also reflected an underlying split in training and linguistic competence.
\par \tab Nevertheless, at a strictly formal level the degree to which the falsified documents capture indige
nous rhetorical techniques and communicative strategies is surprising. Indeed, from a formal perspective they are entirely believable as indigenous documents, despite the fact that their production was instigated by a priest and carried out by a scribe wh
ose level of literacy seems to have been well below those of the \'93official\'94
 scribes. While on the one hand it is clear that access to the Spanish courts was facilitated by a scribe adept in the formal discourse expected in legal texts, on the other hand writing itself was not controlled by the indigenous nobility. The accused }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 had his own scribes, principally responsible for censuses, one of whom lent himself to surreptitious defense of elite individuals apparently under attack by a majority of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblo}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Whether Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s conspired with Godi\'f1
o out of fear or loyalty, or whether there was indeed a more silent faction (perhaps the commoners) not immediately visible in the official set of grievances, is unclear. The role of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  in pr
omoting the documents issued in his support suggests that he felt that an indigenous language petition would have more legitimacy than simple witness testimony in his defense, which he also offered. From a historical perspective, however, several other qu
estions emerge. The most dominant is the extent to which indigenous language documents now give us privileged access to the \'93native point of view.\'94
 Such an assertion ignores several points: the complex interethnic and cross-class politics of textual product
ion; the role of pragmatics in orienting discursive strategies; the difficulty in bridging the cap between understanding the intentionality of authors in producing texts and interpreting the meaning of texts as objects. Thus although the classification of
 these three documents as \'93falsified\'94
 is certainly a valid perspective, particularly in regard to their misrepresentation of author intention; the situation of these same documents within a context of political dispute and multiple forms of literacy brings 
up other questions, both of which can be approached only through a more in-depth linguistic analysis of the texts. 
\par \tab In the following section I delve further into the question of scribal and social divisions by comparing the linguistic competence of two di
fferent scribes from Oapan. In the final section I explore the ways in which textual production and literacy might have interacted with the spoken language.
\par 
\par }\pard\plain \s1\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\keepn\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\outlinelevel0\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \b\i\f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\b0\i0\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
iii. scribal differences and social divisions
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
Up to this point I have examined divergent rhetorical and communicative practices in distinct genres of colonial Nahuatl texts, particularly in regard to the question of voice and the pragmatics of litigation }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
(cap\'edtulos)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and certification }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (tepohualamatl)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . 
Contrasting scribal competence was also a factor in textual variation. In this section I examine differences in scribal skills and suggest its implication for understanding how scribes were trained and }{
\f0\fs22\lang1036\langfe1033\langnp1036\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ho}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 w access to written discourse was controlled, as well as, more generally, the sociopolitical organization of language and power in Oapan.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  I first analyze linguistic variations between two scribes. However, I then look at the nature of social organization, its relation to the control of language, and the 
manner in which facets of internal sociopolitical organization can be indirectly deduced from textual material. Others researchers have used Nahuatl documentation to good effect. Particularly noteworthy is Lockhart (1982), Schroeder (Ph.D. Thesis), and Cl
ine (1985).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab I examine texts by two scribes. The first is Francisco Mart\'edn, the Oapan scribe who wrote the "closing" to the first set of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  from San Agust\'ed
n Oapan (fols. 3v.\endash 4f.), and the entire second set of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  that this village presented to the visiting ecclesiastical judge, Br. Hernando Ru\'edz de Alarc
\'f3n (fols. 87f.\endash 91f.).}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Based on a comparison of orthography. Note that the introduction and "capitulos" of the first petition by Oapan is written in a different hand, not identified. }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The second scribe, Mart\'edn Andr\'e9
s, wrote a great number of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
. He also drew up two of the three falsified documents, one from San Agustin Oapan (fol. 269f.) and the other from San Miguel Tecuiciapan (fol. 271f.). The third falsified manuscript is
 unsigned, though neither its hand nor its orthographic errors are consistent with those that of Mar\'edn Andr\'e9s.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 It is from San Francisco Ozomatlan and was probably written by Augustin de la Curoz, the Ozomatlan scribe who also recorded Church census data for the accused "beneficiado."}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  These falsifications claim that the 
}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 capitulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  had been conceived by two Oapan officials, who had surreptiously litigated the case and signed the names of other village authorities.
\par \tab A clear scribal division of labor existed. One scribe, Francisco Mart\'ed
n, was well versed in legal discourse and intimately bound to the indigenous nobility. He was responsible for drafting documents presented in the Spanish legal system. The other scribe, Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s, was less competent and answered directly to the 
}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
. He followed him to mass and there, under the priest's attentive eye, recorded attendance and occasionally justified punitive actions against disrespectful Indians. A notable contrast between the two scribes was manifes
ted in several domains. One was the sociopolitical orientation of the scribes, reflective of the dissimilar social status and function of each. Francisco Mart\'ed
n responded to the interests of the local nobility and, ostensibly, defended the village against outsiders, in this case the accused priest. Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s wrote the falsified documents that defended the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (and the beseiged }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 governador}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
) against the community. He was also party to the condemnation of indigenous christianity and morality in that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 at times mention the stubbornness and pagan nature of Indians who refuse to attend mass and, as a result, are whipped. The ultimate expression of divided scribal loyalty, which derives from deep political divisions in the Oapan community
, are the three documents supporting Br. Francisco Godino. 
\par \tab A second difference between scribes\emdash attributable to different levels of competence and training\emdash was revealed in their orthography, how they recorded word divisions in script, their phonemic reper
toire, and the consistent representation of Nahuatl morphosyntactical structures. Francisco Mart\'edn was obviously adept and well-trained.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
. For a good discussion of interpreting nonstandard orthographies and their relationship to local dialect variation, see James Lockhart, \'93
Toward Assessing the Phoneticity of Older Nahuatl Texts: Analysis of a Document from the Valley of Toluca, Eighteenth Century,\'94 in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology }{\f0\insrsid3767452 
(Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press; Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, 1991), 122\endash 40.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 His writing is well traced, and the words quite accurately divided; indeed the skill of his hand can be considered a type of paral
inguistic key that, like his command of elaborate rhetoric, facilitated access to the colonial courts. His texts not only sounded good, they looked good.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  On the role of such devices\emdash 
orthography, paper quality, presentation\emdash on written texts, see Street (article in Roger Saljo vol.).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  An analysis of his recording of two the "saltillo"}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 The "saltillo" refers to a particularly morphophoneme which was realized in Classical Nahuatl as a glottal stop, although in most other dialects it is realized as an [h]
. Thus, to indicate the morphophonemic representation of the "saltillo" at time I write \{h\}
. In general, colonial orthography ignored the existence of this phoneme although it is occasionally recorded as /h/ in Molina (cf. Karttunen 1981). A subsequent ort
hography developed by Carochi utilized a series of accent marks to note glottal occlusions. Thus, a consistent use of /h/ in early colonial documents would be rare. Although Francisco Martin's orthography is inconsistent in its use of /h/, for reasons I e
x
press below I think that he did learn an orthography in which the "saltillo" was represented. Perhaps, given Spaniards' difficultly in hearing the sound, he was erroneously taught. Regardless of the system he learned, however, Francisco Martin obviously c
ompounded any received errors with his own.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and his use of the singular preterit marker \{-ki\}
 suggests extensive instruction, perhaps in a dialect or variant not fully coincident with that spoken in Oapan. It also raises the question, dealt with at greater
 length in the following section, as to the relation between early seventeenth-century written and spoken Nahuatl in the Oapan region. In general, Francisco Mart\'edn incorrectly records what in colonial times was called the \'93saltillo,\'94
 a sound realized as a glottal stop in several Basin of Mexico dialects but often as [h] elsewhere. Yet he is the only scribe to represent this sound, a factor that suggests some training in Nahuatl orthography.}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . The recording of the \lquote saltillo\rquote  through diacritics was the most notable feature of the Jesuit orthographic system developed by Rinc\'f3
n in the late sixteenth century, although its full elaboration is often attributed to Carochi and his 1645 grammar; on the relationship of Rinc\'f3n to Carochi, see Thomas Smith-Stark, ms.
 [pending title]. On orthographic conventions in general, see Frances Karttunen.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  His use of /h/ may be characterized as follows:
\par \tab In many cases Mart\'edn simply \'93fails\'94 to record /h/ where it might be expected:
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s40 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \s40\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 In over 20 examples of the verb \{-ihtoa\} \lquote to say\rquote 
 or a derivative there is no /h/. However, Mart\'edn does occasionally give the correct form: }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynnilihuiztlahtol}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
tohueytlahtocatzin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (twice), and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tequitlahtoh;}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Although \{ihk}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 w}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a:k\}\rquote when\rquote  is usually written }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynniquac}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ; in one occurrence the /h/ is placed as expected: }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yhquac;}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s40 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \s40\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Other words, or their derivatives, consistently fail to register the "saltillo": \{
-ihto:tia\} \lquote to dance\rquote ; and \{tzahtzi\} \lquote to shout,\rquote  both twice spelled without /h/;
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s40 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \s40\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 An \{h\} make be mistakenly inserted for no obvious reason: }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquitzahcuil}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  for\{o:kitsak}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 w}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ilih\} \lquote he cut him off\rquote ; }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 caltzahlan}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote among the houses\rquote  for \{kaltsa:lan\}
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls1\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls1\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Preterit formations of verbs ending in \{-ia\} or \{-oa\}
 are consistently written without final /h/: thus }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 oquitlali}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote he placed it down\rquote  for \{o:kitla:lih\}, and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
oquitlalique}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote they placed it down\rquote  for \{o:kitla:lihkeh\}}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s35\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx0\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 . Although Mart\'ed
n does correctly record an /h/ in the preterit singular of \{-ihtoa\} and \{-pinawtia\} (in oquitoh three times and in huel oquipinauhtih once; this might be fortuitous.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 However, with certain lexemes Francisco Mart\'ed
n usually records /h/ as expected:}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 It is quite significant that Molina records all these words without any orthographic convention to mark the "saltillo."}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 /itlahtlacol/, \lquote his sin,\rquote  is correctly spelled nine times, though in three occurrences the /h/ is not recorded (e.g. }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynnitlatlacol}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 );
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s34 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \s34\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 A derivative of \{ohtli\} \lquote path,\rquote  the plural of \{tla:katl\} \lquote person,\rquote 
 and the verb \{tlahtlani\} \lquote to enquire about\rquote  are correctly written in the only occurrence of each: }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynnohtlipan, tlacah,}{\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and}{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 yntech tlahtlaniya
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s34 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \s34\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The word /ihca/ \lquote to be standing\rquote  is correctly written the two times it appears: }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yhcac; yhcatiuh}{
\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s40 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \s40\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The word /tlazohtli/\rquote dear, loved, or esteemed,\rquote 
 or a derivative, is recorded twice with /h/; a derivative is once recorded without /h/: }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yntlazoteyopixque}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls2\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\hyphpar0\faauto\ls2\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 With reduplicated verbs, it is often difficult to tell whether an \{h\}
 has been correctly placed, mistakenly left out, or erroneously inserted.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 The only clue is signification. Unfortunately, there have be
en few decent studies of the semantic uses of reduplication (cf. Canger 1981). Nahuatl has three forms of reduplicated initial syllables in verbs: (C)V, (C)V:, and (C)Vh. The representation (C) means that if the verb is consonant initial, the reduplicated
 
syllable contains the initial consonant and the following vowel, if the verb is vowel initial there is, of course, no consonant in the reduplicated syllabe. Note that the vowel forms V, V:, and Vh, are used to signify distinct meanings and do not depend o
n the length of the initial vowel in the verbal root.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Francisco Mart\'edn records an \{h\}
 in only two reduplicated verbs. From context, and an understanding of the significations of verbal reduplication, it appears that in these two cases he correctly recorded an \{h\}: }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 techmahmauhtiya}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote he scared us\rquote ; and}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  yc mochihchihuaz}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote it will be done thus\rquote 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par Finally, Francisco Mart\'edn makes some revealing errors, particularly that of adding an /h/ after the nonspecific object market }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tla-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and after final vowels:
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls5\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls5\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The tendency to write /h/ after the indefinite object prefix \{tla-\} may be the consequence of an analogical extension from other forms: }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ynitlahtlacol}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (where the /h/ reflects the reduplication with /h/ of the stem-initial syllable) and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tlahtlaniya }{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (where the /h/ is part of the stem, \{-ihtlani\}, here preceded by the nonspecific object marker \{tla-\}):}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
\chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  That is, reduplicated first syllables ofter insert a "saltillo" after the reduplicated syllable. In cases in which the first syllable is \{tla\}, in the reduplicated form \{tlahtla...\} the first \{tlah\}
 is often quite similar to the indefinite object prefix \{tla-\} which never includes an \{h\}. Thus, it is possible that a scribe who had learned to record \{h\} after reduplicated \{tla-\} syllables might have erroneously extended 
this convention to the \{tla-\} object prefix.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab techtlahpololtia\tab \tab \tab \{te:ch + tla + polo:ltia\}\tab 
\par \tab \tab \tab tentlahpachotinemi\tab \tab \{te:n + tla + pachotinemi\}\tab 
\par \tab \tab \tab totlahcohua\tab \tab \tab \{to + tla + k}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 w}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 al\}
\par 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720\tx1080{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls8\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls8\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 He writes /h/ at the end of present tense verbs. In some dialects a final \{-h\} is a plural marker, yet in Francisco Martin\rquote 
s texts, although serendipitously the verb might be plural, the /h/ has no relation to number. However, its use might reflect a mistaken analogical extension of a learned convention for recording /h/ after final vowels in certain instances:}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 
\chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  For the recording of /h/ (or the \lquote saltillo\rquote ) after vowel-final Spanish loanwords, see Canger, \'93Philology ...\'94}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab tiquitah\tab (twice)\tab \tab \tab quizah\tab (twice)
\par \tab \tab \tab quinequih\tab \tab \tab quinhuicatinemih
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab amo tixtlacatih\tab \tab \tab yc techtoliniyah
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab quihuicah\tab \tab \tab technonotzah
\par \tab \tab \tab momatih\tab \tab \tab nicmatih (cf. /ymatihca/ which appears once)
\par 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls10\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls10\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Occasionally an \{h\} is incorrectly added onto various forms: preterit tense direction\-
als (twice), a locative, a possessed noun, a past progressive verb, and a singular preterit ending in \{-ki\}. In general these forms, along with the ones listed just above, confirm a strong tendency of Mart\'ed
n to register /h/ after vowel-final verbs, particularly those that end in constant-vowel:
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab omomiquilocoh\tab \tab \tab (preterit directional)
\par \tab \tab \tab oquimitatoh\tab \tab \tab (preterit directional)
\par \tab \tab \tab tiyanquizcoh\tab \tab \tab (locative)
\par \tab \tab \tab yntocah\tab \tab \tab \tab (possessed noun)
\par \tab \tab \tab oqualantoyah\tab \tab \tab (past progressive verb)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab oquimapoztecquih\tab \tab (singular preterit verb)
\par 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls25\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls25\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 He records }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ymatihca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote with his hands\rquote  instead of the correct }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ymatica}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Here apparently Mart\'edn is overcorrecting by interpreting the instrumental ending }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -tica}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (on the nominal stem }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -ma}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote hand\rquote ) as the verbal aspectual marker }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
-tihca }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (in which he correctly records the /h/);
\par }\pard \ql \li360\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab Francisco Mart\'ed
n was the only scribe to employ a conventional /h/ to represent the "saltillo." Although his placement of \{h\}
 is inconsistent with Nahuatl phonemics his errors are neither random nor without implication. The phoneme /h/ was clearly part of his alphabet. Th
e errors he makes are consistent with a scribe who had learned an orthography whose phonemics did not coincide with those of Oapan Nahuatl. One reason he might have had difficulty correctly recording the "saltillo" was that in the Oapan dialect underlying
 or morphophonemic \{h\} had by this time evidently been lost, although it was undoubtedly present in the subdialects spoken in San Juan Tetelcingo, San Miguel Tecuiciapan, and San Francisco Ozomatl\'e1
n, the other three villages who petitioned against Godi}{\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Thus Oapan }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \'f3tl\'ed}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  \lquote road\rquote  (with two stressed syllables) is realized as }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \'f3htle }{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 in San Juan Tetelcingo, and }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \'f3htli }{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 in both San Miguel Tecuiciapan and San Francisco Ozomatl\'e1n.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Mart\'edn, then, would have been registering the /h/ according to memory (though perh
aps a memory reinforced by the phonetics of neighboring villages) and constructing analogies to "extend" its placement in certain new contexts. His placement of /h/ at the end of most present indicative forms, and in the cases noted immediately above sugg
est a strong tendency to record /h/ after "final" vowels.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . On this point, see Una Canger, \'93
Philology in America: Nahuatl: What Loan Words and the Early Descriptions of Nahuatl show about Stress, Vowel Lenght, and Glottal Stop in Sixteenth-Century Nahuatl and Spanish,\'94 in }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 Historical Linguistics and Philology}{
\f0\insrsid3767452  (Mouton: de Gruyter, 1990), 107\endash 18.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  He may have been influenced by the use of \{h\} as a plural marker, or its surfacing in many singular preterit constructions. More likely, as I 
suggest in the next section, it represents an attempt to capture the phonetics of the Nahuatl spoken in the Balsas River basin through a phonemic system developed in central Mexico. Nevertheless, in general, Francisco Martin's failure to correctly write t
h
e /h/ in certain words reveals not a series of haphazard errors, but rather attempts to procure a consistency in an environment that, with his linguistic training, probably led to much confusion. His errors reveal, therefore, an effort to consistently app
l
y rules that he had perhaps incompletely assimilated or were inapplicable to the local dialect situation. Nevertheless, his conceptualization of orthography as a conventionalized, rule-governed activity is apparent. Indeed, it is consistently, rather than
 correctness, that seems to separate well-trained scribes from their peers.
\par \tab Another mark of Francisco Mart\'edn\rquote s consistenty is that he invariably registers the archaic suffix \{-ki\} for }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 all}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 singular preterit forms of CV-final verbs.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  After vowel loss, t
hese verbs, in the singular preterit, manifest the form /Cqui/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Other scribes very occasionally and erratically record this same suffix. If consistent use of \{-ki\}
 indicates proficiency in Nahuatl orthography and textual discourse, then Francisco Mart\'edn w
as the most erudite scribe in the region. Again, it is apparent that he was certainly not careless or inept. His writing style, his command of Spanish legal discourse, and his notation of the "saltillo" and \{-ki\}
 preterit marker all indicate that Francisco Martin was careful and constant. He attempted to conserve a learned }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 version of Nahuatl in the environment of Oapan speech.
\par \tab The orthography of Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s strongly contrasts with that of Francisco Martin. His writing is much less careful, and his spelling idiosyncratic. His orthography manifests the following characteristics:
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls22\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls22\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 He never records the "saltillo," nor is /h/ part of his phonemic repertoire;
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls21\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls21\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The singular preterit marker \{-ki\} is rare in his writing, even in consonant-final preterit constructions. A major exception is }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 onezqui}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote it appeared\rquote  which is in free variation with onezque \lquote they appeared.\rquote }{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  /onezqui/ means "he appeared/was present" whereas /onezque/ is the third person plural "they appeared/were present." Both are u
sed interchangeably in the /tepohualamatl/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  There are only three cases in which Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s does record \{-ki\}:
\par }\pard \ql \li360\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin360\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab oqualaqui\tab \tab \tab (he got mad)
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab zan opoliuhqui\tab \tab \tab (it just got lost)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab otlatziniliqui canpana\tab \tab (he rang something, a church bell)
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx360\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls13\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls13\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 With few exceptions he erroneously doubles intervocalic \{l\}. He does this even across word boundaries, as in the last two examples in this list:}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  All the examples in the list which follows should be written with a single /l/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452

\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab tictlallia\tab \tab \tab (we place it down)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab techtollinia\tab \tab \tab (he makes us suffer)
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab quicuillia\tab \tab \tab 
(he takes it away from him)
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab huelquiquallacaithua\tab \tab 
(he regards him with great anger)
\par \tab \tab \tab techmotlazotillia\tab \tab (he (rev.) loves us)
\par \tab \tab \tab otlapitzalloc\tab \tab \tab (there was/people played music)
\par \tab \tab \tab huellotzatzinya\tab \tab \tab (he shouted loudly)
\par \tab \tab \tab huellitech\tab \tab \tab (next to him)
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls23\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls23\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 In two cases he erroneously employs the plural marker \{-meh\}: \tab  \tab \tab  \tab 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab pipiltototime\tab \tab \tab (little children)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab cihuatlme\tab \tab \tab (women)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab The absence of the phoneme /h/ to correctly, or even erroneously, record the "saltillo," suggests that Mart\'ed
n Andr\'e9s received less formal training than Francisco Martin. The omission and irregularity of the singular preterit plural marker \{-ki\} bolsters this conclusion. His unusual use of \{-ki\} after a vowel in }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 otlatziniliqui canpana}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  suggests familiarity with this archaic morpheme, although his rare use of it was prone to be mistaken, unlike Francisco Mart\'ed
n, whose use of it is in accord with the historical development of Nahuatl, although it may not have reflected the extant speech situation in Oapan at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s\rquote 
s incorrect use of the plural marker }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -meh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  demonstrates carelessness, particularly in }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cihuatlme}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  where it follows the singular absolutive marker }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -tl}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Finally, the use doubl
e /ll/ indicates another interesting error. Geminate consonant clusters were probably absent in Oapan.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 At present, all dialects in the Oapan area convert the first consonant of a pair of homorganic consonants to [h], except when the consonant is a na
sal. Two nasals are assimilated to point of articulation of the second, and then reduced to one if neither represents a complete morpheme. If either nasal is morphemic then the rule for geminate clusters is activated and the first nasal converts to [h]. F
or example: /nikomikti:s/ from \{n(i)+k+on+mikti+ha+s\} with assimilation and subsequent reduction of nasals, but /o:hmiktih/ from \{o:+n+mikti+ha+preterit vowel loss\} assimilation but no loss given that \{n-\}
 is the first person singular subject marker. The rule for geminate clusters means that lexemes underlyingly \{kalli\}
 are pronounced as [kahli]. Given the extensive geographical region in which this phonological change is found, it is reasonable to suppose that it predates the Conquest.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The pattern of Mart\'edn Andr\'e9
s' recording of /ll/ suggests that he had learned an orthography with /ll/ but was unable to distinguish between \{l\} and \{ll\}. He therefore overcorrected and utilized /ll/ in all contexts, leading to multiple errors. In sum, mistakes which have litt
le rhyme nor reason, his nonrecording of /h/ and /-ki/, an overcorrected orthography, and a general lack of skill typifies the scribal competence of Martin Andr\'e9s. 
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab In sum,
 even within a single community, scribal differences were noteworthy and suggest a division in which, not surprisingly, proficiency in textual production to some degree varied with the type of document produced. Moreover, there was probably some filtering
 of knowledge, as indicated by Martin Andr\'e9s\rquote 
s awareness of, yet irregular use of, /h/ and /-ki/; the production of texts and literacy was a semipublic, if not fully public, activity. Yet at the same time the scribe most clearly associated with the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
beneficiado}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 and the production of simple census documents was able to reproduce the rhetorical structures of petitions to the colonial courts. The same orthographic and morphosyntactic errors that characterized the censuses elaborated by Mart\'edn Andr\'e9
s are present in his falsified petition, but he clearly had little problem with the discursive strategies of interethnic textual communication. Either these strategies were more accessible that the orthographic conventions necessary to \'93properly\'94
 represent them on paper or, not an impossible situation, both the \'93traditional\'94 indigenous rhetoric style and the propositional content of the \'93falsified\'94
 documents were the result of a collaborative effort between priest and scribe. Just as Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s might have learned to write from a shared culture of incipient literacy, so might Godi}{
\f0\fs22\lang2058\langfe1033\langnp2058\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'f1o have learned from his surroundings the pragmatics and poetics of indigenous discourse.
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \page }{\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 iv. the dialect of the texts: lingua franca or couixca?
\par }\pard\plain \s30\ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tqr\tx9360\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
In the previous sections I have discussed tex
tual variation according to genre and pragmatics, and according to scribal identity and competence. In this final section I consider a third factor affecting variation, the degree to which colonial texts might have reflected patterns of local speech. To a
c
complish this it is important to keep two questions in mind. The first is the structural characteristics of the local speech community, in particular the degree to which it might have been diglossic, divided into high and low forms that were differentiate
d
 both by the context in which they were employed and by the status group among which they predominated. The second is the relative importance of literate or oral discourse in spreading Mexica-led innovations to the Nahuatl spoken in the Couixca area. The 
d
iglossic state, whatever its realization in oral discourse, was manifested in textual material, although the relative presence of high vs. low forms undoubtedly varied according to both type of documentation and the level of scribal proficiency. Related t
o both these questions\emdash the nature of diglossia and the relative impact of written or oral language in linguistic innovation\emdash 
is the hypothesis that both the high spoken form and the most standardized textual form would have been those aspects of local oral a
nd literary discourse most prone to manifest Mexica innovations. For obvious reasons the only documentation on early seventeenth-century Nahuatl in the Couixca area is that of written documents. However, by analyzing these in light of what we know of the 
h
istorical linguistics of Nahuatl and the present-day speech situation in the area, it is possible to at least offer some suggestions as to the degree to which the literate culture of the seventeenth century influenced historical change in the Nahuatl spok
e
n in the Balsas River basin. More specifically, if it can be shown that many aspects of colonial period texts remain outside of present-day Nahuatl, then a case can be made that Mexica-based innovations were introduced more by spoken than written forms, w
hich would have remained a code restricted to colonial litigation with little direct long-term influence on local Nahuatl.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0
\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452 . For Nahuatl dialectology, see Una Canger, }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 
Five Studies Inspired by Verbs in }{\f0\insrsid3767452 -oa (Copenhagen: Copenhagen Linguistic Circle, 1980), and \'93Nahuatl Dialectology: A Survey and Some Suggestions\'94 }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 International Journal of American Linguistcs }{
\f0\insrsid3767452 54 (1988): 28\endash 72.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  It will also become apparent that there was a considerable local influence on the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \'93lingua franca\'94}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  utilized in the texts under consideration. 
\par }\pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
From the earliest moment of contact colonial authorities used central Mexican, or Mexica, Nahuatl as a model to elaborate a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 franca,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  which they hoped would standardize written Nahuatl discourse.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
\chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  For an excellent discussion of Mexica influence on Nahuatl, and the importance of this influence for an understanding of Nahuatl dialectology, cf. Canger 197- and 1988.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  As a result of these efforts, by the end of the sixteenth century, if not earlier, local scribes in the Oapan area were already utilizing a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 variant of Nahuatl. However, although the documents I examine manifest a high level of Mexica influence, they are interspersed with archaisms and evidence of Couixca Nahuatl.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt 
\pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  By archaic language or archaicisms we refer t
o linguistic forms that by the time of the Conquest were not found in central Mexican Nahuatl, the dialect for which there is most information. It is of course likely that in regional variants of Nahuatl, particularly those outside the Triple Alliance, th
e
se archaicisms were still present in 16th century speech. Thus, at a certain level it is difficult to distinguish between archaisms and "couixca" variants. An archaism in central Mexico of the 16th century might well be still an integral part of "couixca"
 speech. However, I classify as "couixca" variants those linguistic forms that are clearly related to the Nahuatl of central Guerrero whereas archaisms are those forms that were replaced by Mexica innovations.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 One immediate question is the balance between these variants, the extent to which a colonial }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 used to access the Spanish court system, manifested regional or local usages, as opposed to the extent to which \'93standardized\'94 forms took over literary production in the provinces. The degree to
 which the literary language comprised forms not present in the Couixca area, even in a possible high-form elite speech, is the extent to which scribes functioned as effective translators, elaborating texts in a nonlocal variant for processing in the cent
r
alized judicial system of the colonial state. On the one hand, the apparent linguistic "inconsistency" manifested in the textual material suggests that certain local phonological, lexical, and syntactical features of the local language were maintained as 
a result of an incomplete adoption of central Mexican innovations into the local written context.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Cf. note 12 above.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  On the other hand, the Nahuatl now spoken in the former }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 couixca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 area of Oapan exhibits extensive Mexica innovations. The early-seventeenth-century written material, however, contains many central Mexican forms that are absent from the dialect now spoken in San Agust\'edn Oapan and neighboring }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblos.}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Clearly, the presen
ce of central Mexican innovations in the texts that were never fully incorporated into the local spoken language suggests that at least some aspects of a literate elite language failed to be adopted into the Nahuatl of the Balsas River basin. This raises 
the possibility that innovations entered the local language community through oral communication and that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
of colonial documentation might have remained a literary form and have had a fairly limited effect on the provincial language community.
\par \tab 
I begin this section by isolating lexemes in the textual corpus that represent central Mexican Nahuatl but are absent from the Nahuatl presently found in the Balsas River basin. Then I examine archaisms, forms found in the documents but which were not
 used in sixteenth-century Mexica Nahuatl. Finally, I examine three linguistic phenomena particularly valuable for determining the sociolinguistic situation in sixteenth-century central Guerrero: the use of \{-ki\}}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  The symbols \{\} are used to enclose Na
huatl words not directly taken from the documents we analyze; the symbols // are used to enclose direct transcriptions from the documents, except when they are cited in indented examples.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 as a singular preterit marker, variation in the use of \{-tin\} and \{-meh\} as a plural marker, and certain curious lexical items and syntactical constructions.
\par \tab Each text manifests various lexical forms representative of 16}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 th}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 century central Mexica Nahuatl but not presently found in the Oapan region. The first column below lists the 16}{\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 th}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  century }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 written}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Mexica forms }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 not now in use}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 in the Oapan area. The second column lists cognate forms currently employed in the central Balsas River basin, i.e. the modern }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 spoken}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  variant:}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452    }{\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Another entire series of differences is represen
ted by the pronominal prefixes: the documents utilize forms identical to those of classical texts from central Mexico, but distinct from those in use today in the area around Oapan. Given the present variety of such pronouns, even from one neighboring }{
\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 pueblo}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  to another, we do not list them. It is worth noting that the texts always employ the third person reflexive /mo-/. At present all villages in the area use /no-/.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab \tab  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1611 textual forms}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1998 spoken forms}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \tab }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 meaning}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab (1)\tab mochiti\tab \tab \tab nochimeh \tab \tab (everyone)
\par \tab \tab mochinti\tab \tab \tab \tab 
\par \tab \tab mochintin
\par \tab (2)\tab yehuanti\tab \tab yewameh \tab \tab (they)
\par \tab \tab yehuantin
\par \tab (3)\tab axcan\tab \tab \tab a:man \tab \tab \tab (today)
\par \tab (4)\tab xiuitl\tab \tab \tab xipan \tab \tab \tab (year) [=xiwitl]}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 The Oapan area dialects, and in general the Nahuatl of central Guerrero, have final epenthetic /i/ in certain noun
s which in other dialects have an epenthetic /i/ between the noun root and the absolutive noun suffix /-tl/. In the pairs of words below the first is from the Oapan area, the second from "Classical" Nahuatl: /ko:ntli/-/ko:mitl/, /kiawtli/-/kiawitl/, /xa:n
tli/-/xa:mitl/. Note that /kihli/-/kilitl/, /xiwtli/-/xiwitl/, and /kwawtli/ (which becomes /kuhtli/-/kwawitl/ also fit into this pattern. For a discussion cf. Canger 1988: 61. }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab \tab xihuitl\tab \tab \tab 
\par \tab (5)\tab quilitl\tab \tab \tab ----quihli \tab \tab (green plant; herb)\tab \tab \tab \tab \tab \tab  \tab \tab \tab \tab \tab [e.g. /a:yokihli/ squash leaves or vines] 
\par \tab (6)\tab quauhtli\tab \tab kuhtli \tab \tab \tab (tree)
\par \tab (7)\tab amotle\tab \tab \tab xtlah \tab \tab \tab (nothing)
\par \tab (8)\tab amo quimati\tab \tab xkimati \tab \tab (he doesn't know it)
\par \tab (9)\tab oquilhui\tab \tab o:kihlih \tab \tab (he told him)
\par \tab \tab \tab \tab \tab o:kilwih \tab \tab    [less common variant]
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (10)\tab ocatca\tab \tab \tab katka\tab  \tab \tab (he was)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
The variation from the first column to the second has two possible explanations. One possibility is that it reflects linguistic change from the early seventeenth century to the present, i.e. that the forms in the first column evolved into 
those in the second. The other possibility is that the forms in the second column were present in the spoken, but not written language of the early seventeenth century in the region under study. In this case, the early colonial period would have been char
acterized by a diglossic situation in which textual discourse existed as a restricted code.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 This does not mean to imply, however, that no linguistic change took place in spoken discourse, simply that the point of departure for change was not the dialect found in the texts.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 The two possibilities might be illustrated as follows:\tab \tab 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Possibility 1:\tab \tab axcan}{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and written)}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab a:man }{
\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and \'93written\'94)}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\insrsid3767452  \'93Written\'94 is placed in quote marks because at present written Nahuatl is simply the recording of spoken forms.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par Possibility 2:\tab \tab axcan }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (written)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \'d8
\par \tab \tab \tab a:man }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken)\tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab a:man }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and \'93written\'94)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li720\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 There are several reasons for preferring the second s
olution. The most important is that modern Nahuatl in this region contains lexical and morphological forms that, in terms of historical linguistics, }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 predate}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 many of those found in the texts.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  For a discussion of this point, cf. particularly Canger 1988. 
Much of the discussion that follows is indebted to suggestions proposed by Canger in this same article. Cf. also Canger (198- gro doc.).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  For example, the absence of the preterit marker }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:- }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 in }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 katka}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , the use of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nochi}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  instead of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 mochi}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a:man}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  instead of }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 axcan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , are forms antecedent to Mexica introduced innovations. It would be unusual if, after having had accepted and integrated the central Mexican variants of }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 axcan,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 mochi,}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ocatka}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , spoken Nahuatl in the Oapan area returned to, or innovated in the direction of, more archaic forms; the modern lexical forms }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 katka, nochi,}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a:man }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 were probably present in the sixteenth-century speech of most natives of the Oapan region when the texts 
were produced.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 a:man}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 is presently employed in both central Guerrero and in La Huasteca. This lexical sharing undoubtedly reflects a contact period which preceded Mexica migration into central Mexico and the subsequent linguistic innovation which included the use of }{
\i\f0\insrsid3767452 axcan}{\f0\insrsid3767452 . It is highly unlikely that the shared use of }{\i\f0\insrsid3767452 a:man}{\f0\insrsid3767452 
 in central Guerrero and La Huasteca is the result of Colonial period cultural and linguistic contact or represents independent developments in the two areas. }{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 Danielle Greco (personal co
mmunication) has informed me that several }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 pueblos}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  in La Huasteca use the negative clitic \{x-\} which I had considered a particular characteristic of central Guerrero Nahuatl.}}
}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  If this is true then, concomitantly, the textual variant must have disappeared, n
ot evolved. The fact that such innovations and influences did not find support and echo in the spoken language indicates a fairly rigid dichotomy and division between these two communication genres: written and spoken. Concomitantly, it would seem to be t
he case that those Mexican innovations which were incorporated into the Nahuatl of the Couixca region were introduced through elite }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 speech}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , not through the }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of the texts.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 An example of such a change would be final vowel loss of verb stems in
 certain environments. This is not to imply that all changes had occurred before the conquest and that the language was relatively stable throughout the colonial period. Cf. discussion in conclusions below.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 Thus despite the considerable number of scribes in the region and their familiarity with textual production, it would seem that there was little impact of textual material on local speech.
\par \tab 
The isolation and identification of a restricted textual discourse typified by late-Classic central Mexican influence does not exhaust the potential for analysis of the colonial documents in question. Analytical complications arise in that archaic forms, 
i.e. forms not typical of contact period central Mexican Nahuatl, are interspersed in both the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 tepohualamatl
}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . It is difficult to determine whether these forms were integral to a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 that itself might have contained some pre-Mexica forms, or if they filtered into the colonial texts from the sixteenth-century local "couixca" dialect.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 For general observations on the conservative nature of central Guerrero Nahuatl cf. Amith and Stark (1988), and Amith (1988).}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  If the first were true, t
hen these archaic forms would have been learned by scribes who, by using them, demonstrated that their familiarity with a linguistic variant different both from their own and from early colonial Mexica Nahuatl. If the second were true, it would indicate t
hat the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 was less rigid, or scribes less adept at it, and that regional archaisms had seeped into the textual material.
\par \tab In the first column below I list archaisms found in the documents. The second column lists the present cognate forms from the Oapan area:}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 In this case the Oapan forms are identical to those of Classical Nahuatl.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1611 textual forms}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\tab  \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1998 cognates}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \tab \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 meaning}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab (11)\tab onpa hualahui}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 This form, /haulahui/ is apparently an unusual combination of the directional prefix /wa:l-/ followed by the two suppletive stems of the verb "to go" /ya/ and /wi/. Note that /y/ assimilates to /l/ after /l/; the geminate cluster then is reduced, in writ
ing, to a single /l/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab ompa wa:hlaw \tab \tab (he comes from there)\tab \tab 
\par \tab (12)\tab oncatqui}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  The presence of the suffix /-ki/ is archaic. Cf. Andrews (1975: 65).}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab onkah \tab \tab \tab (there are)
\par \tab (13)\tab opollihui (found twice)\tab \tab o:poliw \tab \tab (it got lost)
\par \tab (14)\tab oquimecahuitequi}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  T
he form /opollihui/ illustrates the marking of the preterit with /o:-/ although the final vowel of the verb stem is retained. The form /oquimecahuitequi/ apparently illustrates the same form although it might be a scribal error for /oquimecahuitecqui/.}}}
{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab o:kimekawi:tek \tab \tab (he whipped him)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (15) \tab oquimictiaya}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt 
\pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Unusual is the use of the prefix for completed past action, /o:-/ in the imperfect tense.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab kimiktia:ya \tab \tab (he was killing him)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 The first column manifests several unusual constructions, archaic by the sixteenth century: 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s34 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \s34\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls26\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang 
{\pntxtb \'b7}}\faauto\ls26\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f306\fs22\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the use of \{ya\}followed by \{wi\}
, two suppletive forms of the verb "to go," with the directional prefix \{wa:l-\}. Note that commonly \{ya\}combines with \{wi\}to form \{yaw\}not \{yawi\}(ex. 11)
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s34 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \s34\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls26\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\faauto\ls26\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the use of \{o:-\}to mark the preterit, but without correspond\-ing verb stem final vowel loss of the verb (exs. 13 and 14);
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\s34 \f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \s34\ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls26\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\faauto\ls26\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the use of the archaic preterit suffix \{-ki\} in the present tense form of the verb "to be" (ex. 12); and 
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard\plain \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls26\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls26\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the use of \{o:-\}, which marks completed past action, with the imperfect (ex.15).
\par }\pard \ql \fi720\li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
Unfortunately, as I have indicated, it is difficult to determine whether the written archaisms reflect the intrinsic structure and content of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 itself, or a linguistic "cont
amination" from early seventeenth-century "couixca" Nahuatl. Nevertheless, their presence does reveal the difficulty that the Spaniards faced in using contact period Nahuatl of the central valley to achieve complete standardization of colonial Nahuatl wri
tten discourse.
\par \tab Another interesting feature of the texts is the occurrence of preterit forms ending in /-ki/. By the sixteenth-century, Mexica Nahuatl had eliminated this singular preterit suffix.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  This suffix still is used in a range of present day dialects. For a discussion of the history of preterit formation in Nahuatl and the innovations introduced by the Mexica, cf. Canger 1975. Cf. also Dakin 197 }}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  As with the archaisms already cited, the presence of /-ki/ in the documents indicates either that the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 included linguistic features that had by that time been lost in the Mexica dialect (and therefore that the colonial period }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  had a strong precontact foundation), or that textual Nahuatl from Oapan was interspersed with a local "c
ouixca" variant that still, in the early seventeenth century included the singular preterit marker /-ki/. The following list of preterit forms ending in /-ki/ is taken from the material being analyzed:}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Agentives ending in /-ki/ are not included, i.e. /teyopixqui/ ("priest"), /cocoski/ ("sick person"), etc.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab  \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1611 textual forms}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \tab  \tab }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 meaning}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (16)\tab oquisqui\tab \tab \tab (he left)
\par }\pard \ql \fi-3600\li3600\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\tx2160\tx2880\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin3600\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (17)\tab oquitetzonhuihuilaqui}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Should be written /oquitentzonhuihuilanqui/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab (he pulled on his beard; he grabbed him by the beard)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (18)\tab oquithuitlaqui}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt 
\pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Perhaps should be /-ithuatlanqui/; cf. Sim\'e9on 1977: 205, entries under /ithua/ and /ithuicanequi/. Again, as in the previous example, we note that the scribe did not record the /n/ before the singular preterit 
marker /-qui/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab (he finished seeing it)
\par \tab (19)\tab oqualanqui\tab \tab \tab (he got angry)
\par \tab (20)\tab oquintlanquaquetzqui\tab \tab (he made them get on their knees)
\par \tab (21)\tab omotlanquaquetzqui\tab \tab (he got on his knees)
\par \tab (22)\tab omicqui\tab \tab \tab (he died)
\par \tab (23)\tab oquititlanqui\tab \tab \tab (he sent him away)
\par \tab (24)\tab oquimatqui\tab \tab \tab (he found out about it)
\par \tab (25)\tab oquinhuihuilanqui\tab \tab (he tugged at them)
\par \tab (26)\tab oquixnamicqui\tab \tab \tab (he stood up to him)
\par \tab (27)\tab oquimapoztecquih\tab \tab (he broke his arm)
\par \tab (28)\tab onezqui\tab \tab \tab \tab (he appeared)}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Note that there is what appears to be a free vari
ation between /onezqui/ and /onezque/ in the /tepohualamatl/. This word is used before the actual count of men and women and refers to the number of people who attended mass. Literally meaning "he appeared" or "they appeared," the significance seems to be
 impersonal: "there were." /Onezqui/ and /onezque/ are used often; I only list them once.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab \tab 
\par \tab (29)\tab opoliuhqui}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Although with the singular preterit suffix, the verb in this case refers to a plural number of people. Cf. discussion under /onezqui/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab (he got lost)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (30)\tab otepouhqui\tab \tab \tab (he counted people; he carried out a census)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab To different degrees, scribes from all }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblos}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  employed these preterit formations, although by far it was in the textual production of Francisco Mart\'edn that these forms were the mo
st common. It is also interesting that the most well-trained and consistent scribe was Francisco Martin of Oapan. His texts are also those that exhibit both the greatest number of archaisms and the most invariable use of \{-ki\}
. Thus the most competent, and probably "professionally" trained, scribe employed these forms. This suggests that either they formed an inherent part of the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  he learned or represented actual speech   }{\f0\fs22\lang1036\langfe1033\langnp1036\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 patterns }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
introduced from the local dialect. Yet the absence of these pret
erit markings in the texts of other scribes is interesting. The fact that /-ki/ occurs only after consonants or, put another way, is retained only in verbs that end in -CV in the present indicative, supports the hypothesis that the historical process of p
reterit formation for verbs ending in VV was distinct from preterit formation of CV-final verbs.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Cf. Canger 1980: 65. For a general discussion of the preterit cf. this same book, Chapter II.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  
\par \tab The morphology of noun pluralization represents another interesting facet of the texts.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs20\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 \chftn }{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452  As already noted, Mart\'edn Andr\'e9s, erred twice in using }{
\i\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 -meh}{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 : }{\i\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 pipiltototime}{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 cihuatlme}{\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 . In the first case }{\i\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452 -meh}{
\f0\fs18\insrsid3767452  is suffixed to a noun already pluralized: /pipiltototi\{n\}/. In the second, \{-meh\} is mistakenly suffixed to a noun which has retained the absolutive ending \{-tl\}.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 In Nahuatl, unpossessed nouns are most often pluralized through a suffix, the most common of which are /-meh/ and /-tin/,}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Reduplication is also used to pluralize but is not pertinent to our argument here.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  although Spanish loanwords often affix the borrowed marker /-s/.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn 
{\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{
\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Note the following forms in which the /-s/ plural marker is not always employed:
\par \tab christianosme (also /xpianome/ and /quixtianome/)
\par It is interesting th
at in the modern Nahuatl of Ameyaltepec, a village that in the colonial period was a "barrio" of Oapan, there are two borrowed forms from the Spanish "cristiano." /kixtia:noh/ signifies "foreigner" whereas /kristia:noh/ signifies "person." These two forms
 
correspond to borrowings that took place at different times, with concomitant phonological and semantic differences. /kixtia:noh/ is an early borrowing, before Nahuatl speakers had fully incorporated Spanish phonology; at this time the "cristianos" were f
oreigners and intruders. Later the word was once again borrowed, this time with Spanish phonology; at this time the indigenous population had become Christian and therefore /kristia:noh/ signified "person," i.e. everyone was by now a Christian.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  However, a "double plural" is sometimes formed through additional suffixation of /-meh/ and, more rarely, /-tin/.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 There is one example of /fiscales/, in the phrase /tifiscales timochihuas/ ("you will become }{\i\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 fiscal}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 "). In this example /fiscales/ is singular. We may 
question whether Nahuatl speakers fully understood that /-s/ was a Spanish morpheme for pluralization; the fact that they didn't fully understand its use may account for the addition of the Nahuatl plural morpheme /-meh/ or /-tin/. However, there are enou
g
h examples of /-s/ in an obviously plural context to indicate that the meaning of the morpheme /-s/ was understood as a plural marker by the Nahuatl scribes: /ycabras/ ("his goats"), /ybleytos/ ("his litigation"). Note also the use of /-s/ is possessed fo
rm before /-wan/: /ycahualoshuan/ ("his horses").
\par }}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Note the following examples:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (31)\tab alcaldesme}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain 
\s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 Offer explanation of officers, cite Lockhart on indigenous government, and other articles (Schroeder, Haskett, etc.)}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab (32)\tab regidoresme
\par \tab (33)\tab noydoresme
\par \tab (34)\tab teopantopillesme; topilesme}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 The form /teopantopileque/ occurs once. This is correct from a purely Nahuatl perspective: Nahuatl "agentives" ending in /-eh/ pluralize with the suffixation of /-keh/. It may be that the difference between /teopantopill
esme/ and /teopantopileque/ derives from /teopantopileh/ being considered in the first case as a "borrowing" from Spanish (given that it was one of the offices established in the colonial style cabildo government), whereas in the other case this same word
 was treated as fully Nahuatl.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (35)\tab sacristanme
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
\par \tab The preceding forms, ending in /-sme/, are the most common pluralizations of terms signifying indigenous offices. However, variants with final /-tin/ do exist. }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Alcaldestin}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  occurs twice and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 regidorestin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  three times. Other examples of the use of /-meh/ are }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
sequimeh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (four times), and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cihuame}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yeyme}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  once each.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Meaning, respectively "several of them," "women" and "three (for animate objects)."}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Alternative plural forms ending in /-tin/ do not occur for these last three words. 
\par \tab The suffix }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -tin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , however, is used to the exclusion of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -meh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , in the following:

\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (36)\tab pipiltin
\par \tab (37)\tab pipiltototi
\par \tab (38)\tab cihuatzintzintin
\par \tab (39)\tab mochitin-mochintin}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Here as in other cases, final /n/ is often not recorded, giving the forms /mochiti/ and /mochinti/.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (40) \tab omentin
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
\par \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Pipiltototi}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  has an underlying \{n\}, \{pipiltotontin\} that was not written, a common occurrence with nasals. The number "two", \{o:me\}, occurs once as }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 omentin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , the form given in Molina (1970: 76f.); an identical process affects the singular singular }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 mochi}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , which pluralizes as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 mochintin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and the independent pronouns (e.g. }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yehuanti[n]}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  \lquote they\rquote ).}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 That is, probably the historical occurrence of \{-meh\} before the plural marker \{-tin\}. Thus analogous plural formations occur in \{omentin\}, \{mochintin\} and the plural pronouns: \{tehuantin\}, \{amehuantin\} and \{yehuantin\}
. For a general discussion of plural markers and pluralization in historical perspective cf. Dak
in 1982, passim. Note that in the Oapan area the forms /o:memeh/ and /nochimeh/ are the most common although there is a variant /noxteh/ with a slightly distinct meaning from /nochimeh/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Basically }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -tin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  occurs after consonants (including the /n/ \'93inserted\'94 in words like }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ome, mochi, yehua}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ) while }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -meh }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 may occur after either consonants or vowels.
\par \tab Although the evidence is inconclusive, it seems that at the time the documents were written }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \_meh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  was the preferred plural marker in spoken }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 couixca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  Nahuatl, whereas }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -tin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  was predominant in the Mexica-influenced }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 variant. Canger (1988) states that at present central Guerrero Nahuatl manifests characteristics of a dialect that antedates that of the Mexica. This older, "Toltec", dialect utilized }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 nochi}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  instead of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 mochi}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a:man}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  instead of }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a:xkan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , and lacked both the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  preterit marker and the plural suffix }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \_tin}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 .}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 As indicated previously, Oapan area Nahuatl uses \{nochi\}, \{a:man\} and has independent pronouns pluralizing in \{-meh\} (e.g. yewameh) rather than \{-tin\} (e.g. yewantin) which is found in other central dialects.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  The equivocated forms }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pipiltototime}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  and }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cihuatlme}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  suggest a tendency to pluralize with }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -meh}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  even when not necessary (as in }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
pipiltototime}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ) or when in error (as with }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cihuatlme}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ). This suggests that }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \_meh}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  might have been the more salient (as the older) morpheme for pluralization. But if this were the case, then the appearance of forms such as }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 yehuantin, mochintin, omentin 
}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 suggests that, as was the case with axcan/a:man, that an innovative form appeared in the seventeenth-century documentation while the more archaic form has endured in the present-day speech of the area:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Possibility 1:\tab \tab yehauntin}{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and written)}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab yehuameh }{
\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and \'93written\'94)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par Possibility 2:\tab \tab yehuantin }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (written)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt
\f3\fs22}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \'d8
\par \tab \tab \tab yehuameh }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken)\tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab }{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 {\field{\*\fldinst SYMBOL 174 \\f "Symbol" \\s 11}{\fldrslt\f3\fs22}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab yehuameh }{\f0\fs22\sub\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 (spoken and \'93written\'94)}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab Up to this point I have presented only the possibility, not very strongly supported, of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Couixca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  influence on the lit
erary Nahuatl of the early seventeenth century in the Balsas River basin; basically this possibility is related to the appearance of archaic or aberrant forms (see 11\endash 
15) that do not seem to represent either Mexica-influenced Nahuatl nor the variant presently spoken in the region under study. There is, however, one basic lexical item in the texts that is highly suggestive of possible }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 Couixca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  influence. This is }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \endash ithua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 , which appears in the forms given below:}{
\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {
\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  We do not include several forms which are of in
terest buy which do not suggest "couxca" influence. The documents occasionally use the passive construction: /atle otimacoque totlastlahuil/ ("we were given nothing for our salary") and /teyxpan omecahuitecoc/ ("she was whipped in front of people"). The p
r
ogressive singular is recorded twice and /-tica/ and once as /-toc/; the plural is once recorded as /-toqueh/. The word /mecahuehuetzotzona/ ("he plays the guitar") occurs once. It is not clear if this is a post-conquest neologism or existed in pre-hispan
i
c times with a sightly difference significance. It is also found in Molina (55a). Another, this time definite, neologism is /itentzonecahuan/ ("his goats"). The distribution of these words would have to be determined in order to be able to hypothesize whe
t
her they were local or general terms. /Ayuwechtli/ ("squash seeds") reflects the present pronunciation in the area around Oapan: [ayuwextli]. Molina (3b) gives /ayouachtli/. Finally, the spelling of /anmapizmiquizque/ ("you (pl.) will become huhgry") sugg
ests a central Guerrero pronunciation: the pronominal prefix /am-/ is pronounced [anm-] in central Guerrero (cf. Canger 1988: 62) and thus the orthography suggests an attempt to record the actual local speech pattern.}}}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (43)\tab quihuelithua\tab \tab \tab (he likes it)
\par \tab (44)\tab amotle ypan quithua quimati\tab (he disregards, he pays no
\par \tab \tab  ymotlanahuatiltzin\tab  \tab  attention to any of your orders) 
\par \tab (45)\tab itlacamo quihuelithua\tab \tab (if he doesn't like the look of it)
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (46) \tab huel quiquallacaithua\tab \tab (he looks upon it in anger)
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab Sim\'e9on (1977: 205) states that the verb }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -ithua}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 ("to see") is used "en tierra caliente" (in the hot lands), a designation he generally reserves for lexemes found in Guerrero, but not in central Mexico. Molina does not list it as an independent verb, although he does reco
rd several compound and derivative forms.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Cf. Campbell 1985: 351 for a list of words that contain the root \{(tla)ithui\}. Campbell here lists \{
aquen tlathuiztli\}, \{iuh nixtlathui\}, \{ixtlatui\}, \{ixtlathuix\}, \{tlaixtlathuiltilli\}, \{tlathuinahuac\} and \{ye tlathui\}. Note also \{ithualoni\} "something seen" and \{ythualli\} "patio."}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 In sixteenth-century central Mexico the verb \{ithui\}}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Perhaps a suppletive stem of \{-itta\}
 ("to see") although Dakin suggested reconstruction of /-ithua/ which contrasts with /-itta/.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 occurred only in frozen compounds. However, it was apparently still used in the "tierra caliente" of Guerrero. Thus in the texts from the Oapan region, the occurrence of various compounds formed with }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -ithua}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  might well represent the filtering of a local influence into the textual material.
\par \tab A final problem in textual analysis concerns syntactic variation. Unfortunately, this is one of the more enigmatic facets of Nahuatl grammar and my comments in this respect should be taken as provisional. Syntax was p
robably one of the most difficult aspects of Nahuatl to teach and standardize in a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
. Thus, in cases in which there was considerable variation between a local non-Nahuatl language and Nahuatl, it is possible that syntactic constructions, as opp
osed to lexicon, orthography or other features, would exhibit the greatest deviation. A standardized, central Mexican style, probably would be most pronounced in highly formalized and codified texts. Syntactical variation, resulting from local influence, 
would be more prominent in those documents or parts of documents, such as testimony or lists of grievances, or even censuses, that are less formal and codified. I present two phrases with interesting syntactical constructions. Both phrases are from }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 cap\'edtulos}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . The first example is from San Agust\'edn Oapan, the second from San Francisco Ozomatlan:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par \tab  }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 1611 syntactical form}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab \tab \tab \tab \tab }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 meaning}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par }\pard \ql \fi-2160\li2160\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin2160\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
\par \tab (47) \tab amo no quiqua za mochi quipochtecati\tab \tab (also he doesn't eat it, he just sells it all)\tab  
\par }\pard \ql \fi-4320\li4320\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx0\tx720\tx1440\tx2160\tx2880\tx3600\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin4320\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (48) \tab oypan calac nauhtetl yohuali\tab \tab \tab 
(he went into her house four nights)
\par 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab In regard to the first example, I believe that }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no amo kik}{
\i\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 w}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 a}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  is, generally, the more common construction. It is interesting that in the Balsas River basin the the equivalent of }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 amo no quiqua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 xno: kikwa}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ) is used in Oapan whereas the equivalent of }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no amo quiqua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  (}{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 no: xkiwka}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ) is used in the nearby }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 pueblo}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  of Ameyaltepec.}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar
\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 \f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 
 In other articles (Amith 1988a; 1988b) I have argued that Oapan is a particularly conservative dialect of Nahuatl. The possible preservation of an old syntactical style might further reinforce this opinion.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 In both cases the clitic \{x-\} replaces \{amo\}.
\par \tab Example (48) illustrates the mobility of the preterit marker }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Molina (1970: 57v.) gives one example of a similar construction:
\par \tab (49)\tab mochi oipan quiz}{\cs16\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \chftn {\footnote\ftnalt \pard\plain \s15\ql \li0\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\tx360\tx720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 
\f40\fs18\lang1033\langfe1033\cgrid\langnp1033\langfenp1033 {\cs16\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452 \chftn .}{\f0\expnd0\expndtw-2\insrsid3767452  Note that in general there is a tendency for \{pan-\} to incorporate into verbal constructions: \{
ipan wetsi\} "to fall on top of it" = \{panwetsi\}, "to make it to the top," etc.}}}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab an experienced person
\par \tab 
\par \tab However, in all other constructions involving }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 ipan}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  followed by a verb, the preterit marker }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:-}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  directly precedes the verb (Molina 1970: 41v.). For example:
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (50)\tab ipan oniquiz\tab \tab I came up upon it
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab (51)\tab ipan onitlato\tab \tab I spoke up for it
\par \tab 
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sa120\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab The cliticization of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:-}{
\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  closer and closer to the verbal
 stem was a process that characterized late preconquest development of Nahuatl. Archaic texts that were recorded in the early postconquest period manifest greater variation in the position of this marker, which in these texts occur More archaic texts from
 central Mexico manifest a greater variability in the position of this marker, a variability that is manifested in its positioning further to the left. Through the early colonial period this shift continued, and now most dialects that employ }{
\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 o:-}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  position it directly before the verbal compound.
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 \tab 
The preceding examples from the documents, from modern Nahuatl and from Classical Nahuatl demonstrate possible syntactic variation. It remains to be seen to what extent syntactic analysis is valuable in determining th
e provenance of, and foreign influences upon, specific texts. Such analysis is probably more viable in those sections of documents that are more spontaneous, rather than those dominated by formal language and standardized codes.
\par \tab In this section I have exp
lored the textual material from the Balsas River basin in the light of historical linguistics: what we know of language change in Nahuatl, and what we know of the present situation of the language. Thus analyzed, the texts appear to show three influences:

\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls27\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls27\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
an archaic language most prominently manifested in the use of the -ki preterit marker in CV-final verbs that have undergone the loss of their stem-final vowel. One hypothesis is that the recording of these forms represents a pragmatic scribal strategy t
o link the texts to a prestige forms, i.e. to archaic speech restricted to specific status-carrying contexts. In this sense the use of }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -ki}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 is the morphosyntactic complement to the use of formal rhetorical devices associated with high status discourse
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls27\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls27\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the presence in the text of other archaic forms that might well indicate a local vernacular dialect, perhaps Couixca
\par {\pntext\pard\plain\f3\fs22\charrsid3767452 \loch\af3\dbch\af0\hich\f3 \'b7\tab}}\pard \ql \fi-360\li720\ri0\sl300\slmult0\nowidctlpar\tx-720\jclisttab\tx720{\*\pn \pnlvlblt\ilvl0\ls27\pnrnot0\pnf3\pnstart1\pnindent360\pnsp120\pnhang {\pntxtb \'b7}}
\hyphpar0\faauto\ls27\adjustright\rin0\lin720\itap0 {\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 the presence of certain lexical items, particularly }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 -ithua}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 that are characteristic of central Guerrero
\par }\pard \ql \li0\ri0\sl360\slmult1\nowidctlpar\tx-720\hyphpar0\faauto\adjustright\rin0\lin0\itap0 {\scaps\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par 
\par v. conclusion}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
\par In this essay I hav
e suggested that textual variation can be understood to reflect a complex structure of influences: pragmatic devices in the presentation of evidence; the implications of differences in genres for the recording of discourse; variation in scribal competence
 and training; and a pattern of linguistic registers that provided a series of possibilities for the elaboration of texts in Nahuatl. I have used the concept of diglossia to characterize the linguistic situation in central Guerrero during the early 17}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 th}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  cen
tury. I hypothesize that at the spoken level there were high and low variants, associated respectively with nobility and commoner. By analyzing textual material I have been able to document important aspects of both diglossia and of linguistic influence a
nd innovation. At a very basic level the standardized and formalized characteristics of written discourse suggest a process of homogeneization that can best be accounted for by positing the existence of a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
lingua franca.}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  However, variation exists and I have 
illustrated two of its manifestations: 1) the occasional introduction of archaisms and local linguistic phenomena; and 2) variation in the language of written texts according to function, with greater formality in those documents or parts of documents mea
nt to serve as indexical keys to the Spanish colonial legal system. 
\par \tab The existence of a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 makes it dangerous and difficult to use colonial Nahuatl language documents to reconstruct local dialectology. Nevertheless, by comparing various aspects of colonial texts with the present linguistic situation in the San Agust\'ed
n Oapan area I have shown that although the texts show a high level of Mexica influence, documentary language constituted a restricted domain of discourse. In the spoken word, in spit
e of the probable existence of high and low variants, such a high degree of central Mexican influence was absent. On the basis of my data and anlysis I hypothesize that the restricted discourse found in texts had little effect on local linguistic innovati
on and change. Instead, Mexica influence was communicated through a filtering down process from high to low spoken variants of Nahuatl.
\par \tab Colonial Spanish authorities attempted to standardize indigenous written discourse by promoting a }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452  based on 16}{
\f0\fs22\super\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 th}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 century central Mexican Nahuatl. The orthography that resulted included, at least in certain instances, the use of /h/ to register the "saltillo." Scribes were also taught a formalized phraseology which expressed indigenous subservience to Spanish la
w, while at the same time constituting a restricted code indexical of elite Indian status. In many significant ways, however, the }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
 was different from the Aztec language at Conquest. The presence of the archaic preterit suffix \{-ki\} is only one example, suggestive that some archaic forms may have been an intrinsic part of a post-Conquest }{\i\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 
lingua franca}{\f0\fs22\insrsid3767452\charrsid3767452 . Moreover, Mexica innovations were not completely adopted into the local textual discourse. Some deviance resulted from "filtering" of local linguistic forms, and to diversity in scribal competence.

\par \tab A series of cross-cutting divisions permeated indigenous discourse. At the spoken level some diglossia undoubtedly existed: the local indigenous elite was the social sector most prone to imitate and ac
cept Mexica innovation. There was, however, a fairly rigid dichotomy between written and spoken discourse and Mexica influence was differentially represented in texts as opposed to speech. The former exhibited greater influence from central Mexico, the re
s
ult of Spanish attempts to promote standardization. Mexica innovation was prominent in formalized textual discourse, a restricted code which had little influence on local spoken Nahuatl in the "couixca" area. It was elite speech, not a restricted written 
language, which served as a conduit for Mexica influenced linguistic change.
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Finally, the form and substance of texts varied in relationship to function. The most highly formalized phraseology was used in litigation, and command of this type of discourse s
erved to facilitate access to the Spanish legal system. At a local level scribal variation is related to proficiency in formalized versus substantive language, and adeptness in standardized orthography. Competition among scribes existed. There was no mono
polization of writing per se, but rather of style. Legitimation before colonial courts was established through dominance of both discourse and formal codes indexical of authority.
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