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            <H6 
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            16, Number 3</H6></TD>
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            <H6 
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      <H1 align=center>Oral Traditions and Rules of Evidence</H1>
      <H5 class=shortmarg align=center>by Glen Custred</H5><BR>
      <P>The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), 
      which mandates the transfer of Native American remains to an "affiliated" 
      indigenous tribe, allows the use of several lines of evidence in 
      establishing cultural affiliation. One of them is "folkloric and oral 
      traditional evidence." This is entirely appropriate, given the nature of 
      the problem and the fact that oral traditions, if appropriately weighed 
      and carefully evaluated, can sometimes prove valuable in retrieving 
      historical facts. But it is not only reasonable, it is <EM>imperative</EM> 
      that any program for implementing NAGPRA specify protocols governing the 
      rules of evidence pertaining to oral traditions.</P>
      <P>This is by no means virgin territory, for scholars have long grappled 
      with the problem of extracting historical fact from oral traditions. 
      Historian and folklorist Richard Dorson tells of a contract he received in 
      1961 from the Indian Land Claims Commission of the Department of Justice 
      to determine how much credence the government should place in arguments 
      made by Indian claimants based entirely on oral tradition. In the course 
      of his research, Dorson found that "a host of scholarly disciplines had 
      fought bitter interdisciplinary battles" over the issue of the historical 
      validity in oral traditions. Besides folklorists and mythologists, they 
      included "archaeologists, anthropologists, classicists, geologists, 
      historians of every hue, students of religions, Africanists, the 
      medievalists, the Celticist."</P>
      <P>Especially concerned with this issue are historians of Africa, who deal 
      with a paucity of written sources from African societies but an abundance 
      of oral traditions. Moreover, scholars in various fields have long been 
      interested in how memory produces tradition and in how tradition is 
      changed by oral transmission and by the nature of oral cultures.</P>
      <P>It isn't possible here to summarize such a rich and vast literature, 
      nor can we apply it to specific questions raised by cultural affiliation 
      under NAGPRA. Instead, we will try to illustrate what this body of 
      scholarship has to offer, suggest some rules of evidence that might emerge 
      from it, and conclude with Kennewick Man as a case study to show why such 
      rules are sorely needed.</P>
      <H1>Folklore and oral traditions</H1>
      <P>Perhaps the best place to start is by defining "folklore and oral 
      tradition." Jan Brunwald defines folklore as "those materials in culture 
      that circulate traditionally among members of any group in different 
      versions, whether in oral form or by means of customary example, as well 
      as the process of traditional performance and communication." 
      <EM>Oral</EM>, as opposed to written material, and <EM>tradition</EM>, 
      knowledge and skills handed down over the generations, are central to 
      every definition of folklore. Note, however, the difference between oral 
      <EM>tradition</EM> and oral <EM>history</EM>. Oral <EM>history</EM> refers 
      to knowledge from experience or living memory that is transcribed and 
      becomes part of the written record. Oral <EM>tradition</EM> is those 
      narratives that are passed down by word of mouth from one generation to 
      the next and therefore become transformed over time.</P>
      <P><EM>Oral tradition</EM>, as the term is used in NAGPRA, usually refers 
      to oral folklore, also described as oral literature, and is divided into 
      genres defined by different forms and functions. <EM>Epics, ballads</EM>, 
      and <EM>lyrics</EM> appear in verse and are usually sung. The epic relates 
      great events of the past and the action of great personages. The ballad, 
      shorter and more prosaic, tells a story. The lyric evokes a mood or a 
      feeling. Prose narrative in oral literature is divided into <EM>tales, 
      legends</EM>, and <EM>myth</EM>. Tales are highly structured, purely 
      fictional narratives exemplified in European tradition by such stories as 
      Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and Cinderella. Legends, on the other 
      hand, are often told in less tightly structured narratives whose themes 
      may also appear in other genres such as the ballad and the epic.</P>
      <P>Unlike folktales, legends may bear some relationship to the truth; that 
      is, they are believed to be true accounts of historical fact by at least 
      some of those who relate them. Tales are the short stories of oral 
      societies; legends are their history. Myths, on the other hand, are sacred 
      narratives, believed to be true by those who relate them, that deal with 
      the broader meaning of life, the cosmos and human morality. Every culture 
      has its own classification of oral traditions; however, all cultures 
      distinguish between those stories that are fiction and those that are 
      true, roughly in the way defined by folklore scholars.</P>
      <P>Scholars have been intrigued by strikingly similar themes, patterns, 
      and narrative elements that recur in the folklore of unrelated societies 
      around the world. Vladimir Propp and Levi-Strauss, among others, describe 
      basic structures of folk narratives. Recurring narrative elements called 
      motifs have been catalogued; useful in analyzing folktales, they are 
      especially valuable in determining the historical validity of oral 
      traditions.</P>
      <P>Different kinds of evidence can be retrieved from different genres of 
      oral traditions. Even folktales, regarded as pure fiction, can sometimes 
      reveal information about past cultural or social aspects. Their reach into 
      the past, however, is probably not much earlier than the latter part of 
      the nineteenth century. The most fertile sources of retrievable historical 
      facts, however, are narratives about the historical past, epics and 
      legends, that people believe are true.</P>
      <H1>The process of oral transmission</H1>
      <P>Knowledge transmitted solely by word of mouth undergoes substantial 
      changes in the course of a few generations because, as Marcel Detienne 
      points out, each person "selects 'facts' and produces an account in terms 
      of the way in which his social sphere organizes spoken memory." Memory, 
      selection, and the cultural context of a body of oral tradition alter 
      accounts of events over time. Moreover, a storyteller often embellishes 
      and redacts for purely narrative purposes; thus aesthetic and dramatic 
      motives also alter content.</P>
      <P>To illustrate how oral transmission shapes content, we will examine 
      three processes: omission, and thus the loss of information; addition 
      through diffusion; and fusion of elements within a narrative, also called 
      telescoping.</P>
      <P><STRONG>Omission</STRONG> of events or personages from a body of oral 
      traditions can lead to loss of information from folk memory. Robert Lowie 
      illustrates this point in the case of the Assiniboines of the Canadian 
      Plains, who adopted the horse in the eighteenth century, only a century 
      and a half before Lowie's study. Although the horse profoundly changed 
      their way of life, their oral traditions do not mention its introduction. 
      Nez Perce traditions, on the other hand, retain in folk memory the first 
      appearance of the horse. Differing instances like these lead Lowie to 
      object to the use of oral traditions in history. Jan Vansina, however, 
      says that omissions of this kind can be explained by the cultural context 
      of the oral traditions. The horse may not have appeared significant to the 
      Assiniboine when it was introduced; therefore the event itself was not 
      remembered. But after three generations they couldn't imagine a time 
      without the horse, and they accounted for its origin not in legend but in 
      a myth of Creation. The horse had a less transforming affect on the Nez 
      Perce, which is why Vansina believes they retained its introduction in 
      historical time.</P>
      <P>Vansina gives another example of omission, in this case how a great 
      event was lost while a minor one was retained. The oral traditions of the 
      Kuba of the Congo retain the memory of the first white man to appear among 
      them, but there is no mention of the <EM>second</EM> white man, who 
      wrought vast changes in life in the Congo. The first white man, a 
      merchant, was a novelty and thus retained in tradition. The ultimate 
      importance of the second, however, was unknown at the time; thus he didn't 
      become a part of folk memory. The consensus of the community about what is 
      important or interesting therefore determines what will be retained or 
      lost. It may be possible to account for the absence of an important 
      historical fact in oral tradition without calling into question retained 
      information that may truly reflect past events.</P>
      <P><STRONG>Diffusion</STRONG> of motifs or themes from one tradition to 
      another, sometimes over long distances and across linguistic barriers, is 
      another feature of oral tradition that may alter or distort the memory of 
      past events. This process was explored in detail by earlier scholars. The 
      way new elements are borrowed and absorbed depends on the influence of the 
      source tradition, on the interests of the borrowers, and on the part the 
      borrowed elements play in the preexisting tradition. For example, an image 
      expressed in a motif may reinforce a theme in the borrowing culture, thus 
      making it more concrete. Or an innovation may fill out an earlier 
      traditional account, as in the case Vansina relates of the Kuba, who say 
      their ancestors came to their present homeland by river. When traders, 
      whom they encountered from the eighteenth century on, told them about the 
      marvels of the sea, "it fleshed out the image of their points of origin" 
      and was thus incorporated into their body of oral traditions.</P>
      <P><STRONG>Fusion</STRONG> of different elements into a single unit is 
      another shaping process in oral tradition whereby multiple historical 
      figures may be fused into a single hero, several battles fused into one 
      battle, historic events fused with mythic themes. Omission, borrowing, and 
      fusion regularly occur in oral tradition and can be taken into account if 
      the researcher understands the cultural and historical context of 
      transmission. Researchers can discard elements that do not reflect 
      historical fact and earmark elements of questionable historic accuracy. 
      Final validation, however, requires corroborating external evidence like 
      written documents and archaeological and other kinds of data.</P>
      <P>Oral traditions can actually be more credible than written accounts 
      when contradictions occur in written records. Vansina cites as an example 
      the Abenaki in Maine, whose oral traditions tell about events in 1759 
      during the French and Indian War. When their oral history was written down 
      over a hundred years later and compared with French and English written 
      versions of the same event, the oral tradition not only confirmed both 
      written versions, it also resolved a contradiction between them.</P>
      <P>But we can't expect to find the same degree of validity in myths as in 
      legends, since the function of mythic lore is very different from that of 
      other kinds of oral traditions.</P>
      <P>Archaic myth, as it is sometimes called, is the living myth of oral 
      societies such as those found in America at the time of European contact. 
      This kind of myth deals not with historic time but with the distant past. 
      It addresses the questions of how things became accomplished, how they 
      came to be. Mythic narratives frequently include bizarre 
      elements--monsters, figures that are both animal and human at the same 
      time, shape-shifters, magical transformations, and incestuous 
      relationships. Nonetheless, they are believed to be true accounts by those 
      who relate them, "a reality of a wholly different order from nature," as 
      Mircea Elide puts it. Myth often has a moral dimension; it explains in 
      moral terms why things happened, how the landscape was configured, why 
      plants and animals are the way they are. <EM>The significance of myth lies 
      in the cultural and psychological realm, not in historical fact.</EM></P>
      <P>Since myths, like all folk narratives, reflect the experiences and 
      societies of those who tell them, such great events as migrations and 
      invasions may be telescoped in time in the shift from the historic to the 
      mythic past. Borrowing may occur when ideas spread from one religion to 
      another, filling in or reinforcing earlier narratives or introducing new 
      elements into the mythic narrative. The most striking change comes about 
      when a myth is created to reinforce a new religious movement. The Ghost 
      Dance is an example of a revitalization movement that originated in one 
      North American tribe and spread in various forms to other tribes. Although 
      the roots of a myth may lie in the distant past, some of its elements may 
      be of more recent origin.</P>
      <H1>Rules of evidence and oral traditions</H1>
      <P>All oral traditions have their limitations, says Vansina, meaning they 
      have varying degrees of reliability. Before attempting to retrieve 
      historical information from an oral tradition, we must first define rules 
      of historical evidence, a task to which Vansina applied himself in the two 
      books he wrote on history and oral traditions. "The rules of evidence form 
      a body, a logical train of thought," he cautions. "One cannot apply some 
      and neglect others. They are of a single whole."</P>
      <P>Rules of historical evidence must perform as a minimum these 
      functions:</P>
      <P><IMG height=6 
      src="Center for the Study of the First Americans_files/0-black.jpg" 
      width=4> Validate sources. This involves ascertaining the relationship of 
      the collector to his informants and the collector's competence and 
      knowledge of the native culture.</P>
      <P><IMG height=6 
      src="Center for the Study of the First Americans_files/0-black.jpg" 
      width=4> Define the kinds of shaping processes at work in oral 
      transmission and how they can be identified.</P>
      <P><IMG height=6 
      src="Center for the Study of the First Americans_files/0-black.jpg" 
      width=4> Examine all variations of the tradition within the relevant 
      geographic area and within the folk community.</P>
      <P><IMG height=6 
      src="Center for the Study of the First Americans_files/0-black.jpg" 
      width=4> Identify widespread themes and motifs (to detect fusion of 
      historical fact with recurrent folk patterns) and cultural contacts and 
      revitalization movements (to identify new myths or diffused elements that 
      may be of more recent origin).</P>
      <P>These are only a few of the standards we must demand of protocols for 
      determining cultural affiliation under the provisions of NAGPRA. The need 
      for rigorous standards is evident in the government's handling of the case 
      of Kennewick Man.</P>
      <H1>The case of Kennewick Man</H1>
      <P>The Department of Interior has attempted to establish the cultural 
      affiliation of the 9,300-year-old remains of Kennewick Man with a 
      coalition of local tribes. Since there are gaps in the archaeological and 
      mortuary records, affiliation cannot be established by physical evidence. 
      The government has based their case on the geographic proximity of 
      contemporary tribes and the site where the ancient remains were 
      discovered, and on linguistic evidence and oral tradition.</P>
      <P>The linguistic evidence is thin and inconclusive and based in part on 
      controversial assumptions.</P>
      <P>The evidence from oral traditions is equally unconvincing. Recorded 
      myths were examined in search of ancestors of the contemporary tribes that 
      lived in the area 9,000 to 10,000 years ago. Although there are no 
      migration motifs in the body of myth, there are references to earlier 
      inhabitants, the "Stick People," and to invaders. Note that absence of a 
      migration motif does not disallow the possibility that extant tribes 
      migrated into the region they now inhabit; moreover, the mention of 
      outsiders and former inhabitants suggests pre-contact population movement 
      in that area. Oral traditions, like the physical evidence, fail to 
      establish probable continuity.</P>
      <P>The entire Plateau, like many other native regions, was the scene of 
      revitalization movements in the nineteenth century, some associated with 
      the Ghost Dance. Christian ideas and later Christian missionaries also 
      played an important part in shaping the cultural changes taking place at 
      that time. In evaluating myth for its possible antiquity, the historical 
      context should be taken into account when sifting folk narrative for 
      elements that may be of more recent origin. This wasn't done in the case 
      of Kennewick Man. The mention in the mythic narratives of natural 
      catastrophes such as floods and volcanic eruptions, <EM>especially periods 
      of cold weather</EM>, was emphasized. The conclusion was drawn that 
      references to extreme cold verified the presence of living people in the 
      Plateau at the time of the Ice Age. But the geology of the region yields 
      prima facie proof that great temperature fluctuations have occurred since 
      then. Concluding that a population inhabited a region in antiquity merely 
      because their oral traditions mention cold weather is pure speculation. 
      This aspect of their oral traditions should be ruled inadmissible as 
      evidence.</P>
      <P>Legitimate rules of evidence reveal that oral traditions give no 
      verifiable proof whatever about when the Plateau tribes first inhabited 
      the area. In order to eliminate faulty evidence in future NAGPRA 
      litigation, scholars and jurists must define incontestable protocols for 
      evaluating oral traditions.</P>
      <HR>

<H6>How to contact the author of this article:</H6>
      <H6>Glynn Custred<BR>Department of Anthropology<BR>California State 
      University<BR>Hayward, CA 94542-3039</H6>
      <H6>e-mail: glynnc209@aol.com</H6><BR><BR><BR></TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>
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