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/home/cluster1/data/bu01/1121861/html/tosepan/Gramatica-Guerrero/Coursebook lessons/Pending print/28_Nominalization fourth version final.doc
ࡱ > C E @ A B 5@ bjbj22 (l X X t N j v L g g g 8 Rg l g E B j j ( k k k k k k ĩ Ʃ Ʃ Ʃ Ʃ Ʃ Ʃ $ R ٭ 1m k k 1m 1m k k 1m k k ĩ 1m ĩ k j K_r g G t 0 0 E Y Y Y $ k h vk J k < k 5 k k k Da g ϒ 4 g Chapter 22 Nominalization introduction In several previous chapters the formation of denominal verbs (chapter 14) and of property words (chapter 21) has been discussed. These chapters have dealt with derivational processes, that is, processes by which words are transformed from one grammatical category into anotherthe formation of verbs, principally from nouns, was explored in chapter 14; and the way in which nouns and verbs often function to communicate concepts of properties and qualities was discussed in chapter 21. This chapter deals with a third process, nominalization, whereby words in one grammatical category (in this case verbs) are modified so that they function in another category (in this case nouns). Nominalization can be divided into several nondiscrete categories based on morphology and semantics. One major category comprises agentives, which can be loosely defined as nouns that refer to the specific human agents who perform the action indicated by the verbal stem. In Nahuatl there are three general ways to form agentives: 1) through the use of the deverbalizing suffix -ke:tl or related morphemes such as -ki and ka:tl (all form yield -keh in the plural)2) through the use of the eventual marker -ni (-nimeh in the plural)3) through the simple use of a perfective stem (without the o:- tense/aspect marker) as a nominal However, these three morphological markers are not in and of themselves indicative of agentive formations. Thus whereas -ki may indicate an agentive (e.g., tio:pixki priest, derived from tio: divinity + piya care or watch over) it may also indicate a verbal adjectival (e.g. xoxo:hki green). Likewise, as seen in chapter 17, the eventual marker -ni is used in both a verbal (habitual or occasional) and a nominal (agentive) sense. Finally, the perfective stem of verbs functions both to form agentives (e.g., tlkwil scribe in Classical Nahuatl) and adjectivals (e.g. te:yaman bothersome in Ameyaltepec, from the transitive verb amana). In sum, various criteria (syntactic, morphological, and semantic) indicate the nature of -ki, -ni, and the perfective and whether or not in a given instance the meaning of these forms in an agentive. Agentives are one of the major categories of deverbal nominalizations. They are unusual in that those that are formed with the suffix -ni are highly productive, perhaps because in a certain sense they are closely related to an aspectual verbal form and in many contexts it is difficult to distinguish between the nominal and verbal use of -ni. Yet many other deverbal nouns exist, and before treating agentives they will be discussed. In general they may be divided into the following categories, each of which will be treated in turn: 1) Nominals formed to signify what is essentially the result of an action signified by an intransitive or transitive verb; these nouns end in -l-li or -tl(i).2) Nominals that indicate the event itself that results from an intransitive or transitive verbs; these nouns end in -istli or -ilistli.3) Nominals that are related to verbs ending in -ya, -wi (or -wa), and -ni and in which the verbal endings just mentioned are replaced by a nominal ending.4) Irregular and lexicalized deverbal nouns from transitive verbs with no prefix in the nominal forms.5) Nominals that indicate the place or time at or during which an event signified by a verb takes place; these nouns end in -ya:n or -ka:n.6) Possessed nominals that end in -ka and -ka:yo:tl7) Deverbal nouns and other nouns that utilize the clitic -kayo:tl. nominals as the result of an action These are the most common deverbalized nouns. Like many nouns, these may be possessed (with the caveat that the semantics of any particular word might limit its occurrence in possessed constructions). They are either formed on the basis of the same verb stem that occurs in the singular imperative and optative, to which l-li is added (with the first /l/ surfacing as /h/), or on the basis of a stem that is identical to the perfective, to which -tl(i) is added. The former is more common: Table 22.a Deverbal nouns formed from -l + li tlakwahlifood(-kwato eat somethingtlana:watihlisomething ordered(-nawatia to order somethingtla:lchi:wahliland that has been plowed(-chi:wato do somethinga:manahlistanding water(-mana to lay flat on the groundtlato:hli word, speech(-(i)towa to speaktlatlako:hlisin(-(i)tlakowato spoiltlatsotsonahlimusic (-tsotsonato play a stringed instrumenttlakwe:cho:hlisomething ground(-kwe:chowato grindtlawi:kahlispouse (-wi:kato accompanynesawahlifast(-sawa (refl.)to fastni:xkwi:tihliicon or painting that represents a religious scene(-i:xkwi:tia (refl.)to take lesson from an image When derived from a transitive verb, a nominal must have a nonreferential object or incorporated (and hence nonreferential) noun in the object slot. Note that even when the deverbal noun signifies a human (e.g. tlawi:kahli) the nonreferential argument marker tla- is used; te:- is not used in forming these nominals, even when a human is the only possible subject (e.g., tlawi:kahli spouse). However, when the verbal action is marked with the reflexive, ne- is used in the nominalized form. These frozen nominalizations are the only instances of the occurrence of ne- in Ameyaltepec. The second form of deverbal nouns that seem to indicate objects or materials that result from a verbal action are formed on a verbal stem that has undergone the same changes as occur in the perfective. If the verb is transitive then the nonreferential object markers tla- or ne- are used; if the verb is intransitive, no prefix occurs (as in the last two examples below): Table 22.b Deverbal nouns formed on reduced stems plus the absolutive tlato:ktlisomething planted, particularly maize(-to:kato planttlachiwtlisomething made (-chi:wa to maketlapo:wtlisomething counted(-powa to count tixtlimaize dough(tisito grind maizekiawtli rain(kiawito rain In general it appears that with any particular verb, only one type of nominalization exists. There appears to be no semantic differences between one and the other form. Thus which one occurs might reflect more the time in which the nominalization developed, than any semantic factors associated with the noun. However, occasionally nominal forms derived through both processes exist side by side. They may have the same basic meaning (e.g. tla:lchi:wahli and tla:lchi:wtli, both meaning land that has been plowed or prepared for planting). However, occasionally the meaning of the forms contrast. Thus one finds, in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl, both tlapowahli a count and tlapo:wtli something counted (e.g., te:wa:n tlapo:wtli it is counted along with the rest), both derived from the transitive verb -powa to count. nominals signifying an event Nouns signifying an event or action associated with a verb (intransitive or transitive) are among the most common deverbal nouns in Nahuatl. They may be formed on intransitive or transitive verbs that undergo stem changes identical to those that result in the singular imperative or optative forms: Table 22.c Deverbal nouns indicating actions formed with -istli or -ilistli tlatsotsonalistlimusic (-tsotsonato play a stringed instrumenttlakakilistliunderstanding(-kaki to hear; to understandkochistli sleep; sleepiness(kochi to sleepmumuwistlifright(mumuwito be frightenedmikistli death(mikito diete:miktilistlimurder (-miktia to killnemilistlilife(nemito liveko:tsi:liwistlicramps (ko:tsi:liwi to get cramps; to become twistednito:tilistlidancing(-ito:tia (refl.)to dance Unlike the nominalization process discussed in the previous section, the formation of nominals indicating transitive verbal actions does accept the use of the nonreferential human marker te:-. There is no semantic difference between derivations with -istli as opposed those with -ilistli. The factors (if there are any) that might motivate the use of one versus the other form have still not been determined, although the variation might be due more to the phonological characteristics of the base verb than to any other factor. Unlike many other non-agentive nominalizations, it appears that those ending in -istli or -ilistli are somewhat productive in contemporary modern Nahuatl. nominals of verbs ending in -ya, -wi , -wa, and -ni A few intransitive and transitive verbs that end in -ya, -wa, and -ni form nominals by dropping the verbalizing suffix and adding another nominal ending (e.g. -ktli, -hli, and others) while shortening the stem-final vowel. These derivational forms are much less common than the two already mentioned and are nonproductive. Table 22.d Deverbal nouns formed on verbs ending in -ya, -wa, and -ni tlapitsaktlia narrow pass in the hills(-pitsa:wa to narrow somethingkwa:istahliwhite hair(ista:yato become whitea:me:hli water hole dug in the sand(me:yato spring or flow from the ground (water)tlakotoktliparcel of land(-koto:nato divide or split up (e.g. land) irregular deverbalized nouns from transitive verbs without prefixes An unusual feature of deverbal nouns is that quite a few manifest no prefix (tla-, te:-, ne , or an incorporated noun) even though they are apparently formed on transitive verb stems. Table 22.e Deverbal nouns formed on transitive verbs with no object prefixes ka:wahli widow (widower)(-ka:wato leavekakaya:wtsi:njoke, prank, something in jest(-kakaya:wato play a joke ona:xi:xtli urine(-a:xi:xa (refl.)to urinatei:to:ni:hli sweat(-i:to:nia (refl.)to sweata:pi:tsahli diarrea (-a:pi:tsa (refl.)to have diarreana:miktli spouse ?(-na:mikito meet someone Several of the nominal forms are bodily excretions associated with a verb that utilizes the reflexive marker; the fact that nominals are formed without a nonreferential prefix suggests that despite forms such as ne:cha:xi:xa he urinates on me, the verbs in question are not wholly transitive. Note that in the case of -i:to:nia a transitive/causative form does exist: -i:to:ni:ltia to make sweat. The nominalized na:miktli spouse is unusual in that the verb -na:miki means to encounter or to meet up with; it is only the causative -na:miktia that has a meaning connected to marriage in that it signifies to find or give a spouse to. As mentioned in chapter 14 (see fn. 6), it is perhaps best to consider na:miktli as the nominal base for the transitive verb -na:miktia, derived from the transitive ending tia. However, ka:wahli seems to be clearly derived from the transitive verb -ka:wa. It can be compared to the more expected nominalized forms tlaka:wahli and tlaka:wtli something left or abandoned (both found in the Classical dictionaries), which have the nonreferential object marker as expected. In Classical Nahuatl there were a few nominalized forms that used -(il)iztli on transitive verbs without a nonreferential object marker. Apparently these were archaic forms already by the sixteenth century. nominals and the time or place of an event: -ya:n and -ka:n Nouns in this category are used to indicate the place or time in which an event takes place. A great majority of nouns so formed are found only in possessed form. There are exceptions, particularly those that end in ka:n and that indicate the physical nature of an extended space. Nominals formed with -ya:n In general nominals formed with -ya:n are constructed on an intransitive verbal base, although the verbal base may be itself derived from locative (-i:xko) or other lexical elements (-tlako) that are verbalized with the inchoative verbalizer (to become) -ti. Table 22.f Obligatorily possessed deverbal nouns formed with -ya:n iki:saya:n to:nahlithe east(ki:sato emergeikalakia:n to:nahlithe west(kalakito enteripe:wia:n its (time of) beginning(pe:wato beginitlakotia:nits middle (time)(tlakohalfitlamia:nits end (time of ending)(tlamito come to an endni:xkotia:nby myself(i:xkoin front of + timomika:nyour mortal point (e.g. Adams apple)(mikito dieikocha:nin his sleep(kochito sleeptoa:tli:ya:nthe place where we get water(a:tli:to drink waterintlakwa:ya:nits grazing place (animals)(tlakwato eat The preceding nominal forms ending in -ya:n are obligatorily possessed. However, a few nonpossessed derivations do occur. These are formed on the impersonal of either transitive or intransitive verbs. In Ameyaltepec, few of these verbs exist, and the ones that do are based on intransitives: Table 22.g Impersonal constructions with -ya:n temowa:yana downward slope(temowato descendtlase:waya:na cool place; a place in the shadows(se:wato be cooltlakwa:lo:ya:na place where people eat(-kwato eat Note that in each case the verb is found in an impersonal form. The first nominalization, temowa:ya:n is undoubtedly a frozen form related to the Classical temo to descend and its impersonal form temoa. It is not derived from the regularized temowa (which is not an impersonal) found in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl. The second nominal, tlase:waya:n is also based on an impersonal, here with tla- prefixed to an intransitive verb indicating a natural state. Finally, tlakwa:lo:ya:n is also impersonal, manifesting a nonreferential object marker tla- and the nonreferential subject -lo. Nominals formed with -ka:n The morpheme -ka:n is very productive, being used in many contexts to form lexical items that refer to places. Like -ya:n it is used to derive nominals that are always possessed; but it is also much more common in locative formations that refer to the particular characteristics of a place. One context in which -ka:n is used is after quantifiers and a few other adjectivals. Note the following examples: se:ka:n; o:hka:n; yexka:n...in one place; in two places; in three places...kwalka:na good or nice place; early in the morningmiahka:nin many place The ending -ka:n is also found in lexical items that are not easily analyzed as compounds, but in which the -ka:n locative element is clear: nika:nherea:wiska:n everywherexiska:nnot immediately But perhaps the most common and productive use of -ka:n is in a paradigmatic relation with verbal adjectivals that end in -ki or -tik. In such cases the element -ka:n replaces -k(i) or -tik (at times the -ti element is retained, e.g., tlapestika:n) and the impersonal marker tla- (used with intransitives) is prefixed to the compound forming a nominal that refers to a place characterized by what the adjectival element signifies. The number and productivity of these forms is immense: Table 22.h Locative nominalizations with -ka:n tlaxoxo:hka:na place that is all covered in green (from foliage)(xoxo:hkigreentlachi:chi:lka:na place that is reddened (e.g. at sunset)(chi:chi:ltikredtlatewitska:na place that is bumpy(tewistikto become pointed (as a pile of maize)tlapestika:na smooth and flat place(pestiksmoothtlakwalka:nan enjoyable or pretty place(kwahligoodtlaye:hka:nit is a good or well organized place(ye:ktlicorrecttlachipa:hka:nit is a clean place(chipa:wakclean Lexemes formed with -ka:n refer to the characteristics of space and are easily recognized. Most are formed on verbal adjectivals or on adjectival nouns such as kwahli and ye:ktli. The locative formations with -ka:n signify properties that are characteristic of a particular place. Note, however, that it would be an error to consider such forms as tlachipa:hka:n as derived from chipa:wak. Rather, one should consider that derivations with -ka:n manifest the same abbreviated verbal stems as found in adjectivals such as tetomaktik (from toma:wa) and kokoxoktik (from koxo:ni). Finally, there are also several obligatorily possessed forms that also take the locative ending ka:n: itoma:hka:nits fat part (refers to the fatter part of a stick, a rod, a branch or beam)nopitsa:hka:nthe back of my waist The number of such necessarily possessed deverbalized nouns seems to be limited, although undoubtedly a fair number do exist. possessed nominals that end in -ka and -ka:yo:tl Deverbal nouns formed with -ka (always possessed) and -ka:yo:tl (possessed as -ka:yo, not *-ka:yo:w in a manner analogous to the possessed form of abstract nouns, e.g., from te:nyo:tl fame one has ite:nyo his fame) are relatively rare in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl, though they were apparently more common and more productive in Classical Nahuatl. In Ameyaltepec there are only a very few, lexicalized forms. Indeed, one of the principal differences between Classical Nahuatl and the modern Nahuatl of Ameyaltepec is the extent of abstract nouns in the former, a category that includes nouns derived from other nouns (through the aggregation of -yo:tl) and from verbs (through the use of -ka:yo:tl). Only the latter is discussed below. Perhaps the least common obligatorily possessed participial construction involves a perfective-stem verb with the archaic ending -ka. Such forms do not take any possessed suffix (such as -w). These obligatorily possessed deverbalized nouns that end in -ka on a preterit stem were more common and more productive in Classical Nahuatl: mokwalne:skathat which makes you look good (e.g. a particular shirt, a nice bag, etc.)ite:ntsahkaits cap (e.g., a bottlecap, that by which it is closed) Deverbal nouns formed with -ka:yo:tl are as equally rare in Ameyaltepec: to:naka:yo:tlmaize This often discussed nominal form is derived from the participial form of the verb to:na to be hot; it refers to that which is produced by (or the result of) the heat of the sun. The two forms discussed here are related in that both are derived from verbal participles ending in ka. The underlying long vowel appears in the abstract formation -ka:yo:tl but is shortened (to ka) in word-final position in possessed constructions. Nominal forms ending in -ka:yo:tl can be possessed, in which case the absolutive is simply lost: noto:naka:yo my sustenance. deverbal nouns and other nouns that utilize the clitic -kayo:tl. Ameyaltepec Nahuatl utilizes one derivational form that seems to be little reported in studies of Nahuatl. It involves -kayo:tl. The first vowel in this ending is short; it should not be confused with the abstract formations in -ka:yo:tl such as to:naka:yo:tl. The ending -kayo:tl seems to mean something from the time of. It is a clitic that can be juxtaposed to postpositions, to the reduced stem of verbs, or, most often, to time periods: o:a:kwitlaya:yak monextamal, asta ye wikplakayo:tl.Your nextamal has gotten foul-smelling (from sitting too long), it's already two days oldbwe:norakayo:tl, san niman o:noto:kakIt's been planted early, it was planted right away.iksankayo:tlIt is something from a long time ago.ne:stok kamanonkayo:tl totio:pan.It says (in a document) from what period our church is.mi:l nobesie:ntos doskayo:tl.It is from 1902.kochkayo:tlIt (food) is from last nightkimichkayo:tl, yalwa o:nemiko.It's recent, it was just born yesterday.mowa:n nikayo:tlI am from the same time as you (i.e., I am the same age as you) Note particularly the syntactic construction of the final example in which the subject is marked directly on the clitic -kayo:tl with a meaning to the effect of I am from the time [of you]. The etymology or historical derivation of -kayo:tl is not clear. However, as indicated by the preceding examples it is frequently used to derive nouns that are marked as being of a particular time period. agentives The preceding sections have explored the major forms of deverbal nouns with the exception of agentives. These are the topic of this section. The term agentive is here used to refer to a particular type of nominal construction that indicates a person who habitually performs the action indicated by the verb, either intransitive or transitive. In general it refers to a social identity, one that is based on an individual repeatedly carrying out the event signified by the verb. For this reason agentives of transitive verbs must be constructed with nonreferential objects or incorporated nouns. Several agentive constructions (singular and plural) for Classical Nahuatl are listed in table 22.i: Table 22.h Agentive constructions in Classical Nahuatl SingularPluraltlcuil scribetlquilquscribeste:polconquererte:polquconquererstio:pi:xquipriesttio:pi:xqupriestscalpi:xquiintendantcalpi:xquintendantstltlacoa:nisinnertltlacoa:nimehsinnerste:machtia:niteacher te:machtia:nimeh teachers From the preceding examples it is clear that Classical Nahuatl had three basic ways in which to form an agentive: 1) the perfective stem of the verb (without the o:- perfect marker; with - in the singular and quh in the plural; see first two examples above);2) the archaic perfective stem of the verb (with -qui and sometimes ke:tl in the singular and qu in the plural; see second two examples above);3) the eventual (with -ni in the singular and -nimeh in the plural; final two examples above) In Ameyaltepec Nahuatl the first derivational process, involving the perfective, is no longer used for the formation of agentives. Rather, it seems to be restricted to derivations that signify qualities or properties of nonhumans (mostly inanimates; see chapter 21). Thus forms such as te:miktih (mortal or deadly) and te:kochpasoloh (bothersome, in that it keeps people from sleeping) are generally used to describe nonhumans. Agentive forms such as tlcuil no longer seem to exist. Although the first process for forming agentives is no longer found in Ameyaltepec, agentives formed from both the eventual and from archaic perfective (ending in -ki/-keh) still exist. The remainder of this chapter explores these two forms. Agentives in -ni The formation of agentive lexemes through the use of -ni is extremely common and productive in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl. As previously mentioned, the morphological difference between a verbal and a nominal use of the eventual is only apparent in the plural, in which -nin should be considered the verbal form and nimeh is nominal. Nevertheless, there is often little effective semantic difference between the nominal and verbal structures when the latter can be interpreted as indicating habitual action. In Ameyaltepec, -ni is used to refer to an individual who is characterized by the action indicated by the verb. It is often used for intransitives, although agentives formed on transitive verbs also commonly utilize -ni (for example, te:maxtia:ni(meh) teachers). A particular feature of agentives formed from the eventual is that they sometimes utilize a diminutive ending (yielding -ntsi:n, a clear nominal form) that is otherwise little employed in Ameyaltepec (see the final row below): a:tlakwa:nia person who always drinks water while eatingkwala:ninihot-headed; someone easily angeredtlai:nia sotchichitla:i:nia real sotcho:kani a cry-babykochinisleepy-head(ed)isantsi:nan early risera:tlakwintsi:na child who draws (is sent to draw) water a lot Agentives in -ki and -ke:tl (singular) and -keh (plural) Ameyaltepec Nahuatl reveals the productive use of -ki and -ke:tl (singular) in agentive constructions; occasionally these forms occur alongside parallel forms using -ni. Compare a:tlakwintsi:n, just mentioned, to a:tlahke:tl, someone whose job it is to draw water. The difference between the two forms is not clear, although perhaps the former is more oriented toward young children whose household tasks involve drawing water, while the latter refers to older individuals. Similarly, one finds both te:maxtike:tl and te:maxtia:ni. The former refers exclusively to a professional teacher; the latter may also refer to such a person, although it might also be used for an individual who occasionally teaches: xtite:maxtia:ni? have you taught? versus xtite:maxtike:tl? Arent you a teacher? Unlike -ni, which occasionally contrasts in meaning with -ke:tl, the agentive ending -ki is in free variation. Both -ki and -ke:tl have the same historical derivation (from *ka:(tl)) and reveal no difference in meaning when the two occur on the same verbal root: kiki:ske:tl or kiki:skia rambler, drifter, wanderer or vagabondkuhxi:nke:tl or kuhxi:nkia carpenter or wood-carver There is no difference between the two forms. However, not all agentive constructions manifest similar flexibility. Often only one or the other form is found: a:mai:xmatkisomeone who knows how to readistlakatkia liarkokoxki someone ill or sickkuhyo:lkia wild animalcf.kukuhke:tla person who chops woodtlawa:nke:tla drunkard; an alcoholicmixtlatlamake:tlfisherman The precise conditions (phonological, historical, or semantic) that might determine or influence which form occurs (i.e. -ke:tl or -ki) have not been determined. However, it seems that the productive use of the agentive marker now involves -ke:tl, and not -ki. Thus, speakers will spontaneously create (or provide) forms ending in ke:tl: tlako:hke:tlbuyer; merchanttlana:mahke:tl or tlana:makake:tlseller; merchant The forms that only exist with the -ki ending might be older forms: kokoxki a sick personistlakatkia liartio:pi:xkia priest Moreover, a preliminary glance suggests a minor difference between the two endings. The -ki ending is used to form nominals that signify both a person who performs a socially recognized and even institutionalized task (e.g. tio:pi:xki priest) as well as a one who is in a particular state (e.g. kokoxki ill or sick person). In this latter sense it is adjectival and can be compared to such forms as kaxa:nki loose or molo:nki foul-smelling. It appears that ke:tl does not offer this option and is only used to indicate cases of volitional and purposive activity in a socially recognized task. Thus *kokoxke:tl or *istlakatke:tl are not possible, given that sickness and lying are characteristics of an individual, not activities that are volitionally performed. Viewed from another perspective, participial agentive forms in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl seem to be dividing between productive use of -ke:tl to indicate volitional activity by a purposive agent, and (perhaps also productive) use of -ki to indicate that an individual is in a state that is the result of a particular action. Nevertheless, whereas -ki can still be used to indicate volitional, agentive activity, -ke:tl is not employed to signify a resultant state. There are few exceptions to the use of -ke:tl and -ki in the singular and -keh in the plural. One of the exceptions to the former is yekoka:tl guest, perhaps a back formation from -yekoka:w, as in noyekoka:w my guest. Occasionally one may also encounter plural agentives ending in -ka:meh. Thus from yo:lki animal one has yo:lka:meh animals; and tio:pi:xki priest yields a plural tio:pi:xka:meh as does yekoka:tl yield yekoka:meh. In all cases possessed agentives are found with the endings -ka:w (singular) and ka:wa:n (plural): UnpossessedPossessedtio:pi:xki (notio:pi:xka:w/notio:pi:xka:wa:nte:maxtike:tl(note:maxtika:w/note:maxtika:wa:nyekoka:tl (noyekoka:w/noyekoka:wa:n summary This chapter has examined the manner in which nouns may be derived from verbs, thus completing the exploration of the three basic derivational processes in Nahuatl: 1) verbalization of nouns; 2) nominalization of verbs; and 3) the formation adjectival verbs and nouns. Nominalizations are, however, often frozen forms, and many of the derivational patterns that probably were once productive no longer are. The first part of this chapter explored seven processes whereby nouns can be (or have been) derived from verbs. Many of these processes are no longer productive; they are also responsible for a vast number of the nouns presently used in Nahuatl. This is particularly true of the first two processes: nominals formed with the endings of -l-li or -tl(i); and nominals that indicate the intransitive or transitive event itself, ending in -istli or -ilistli. Other very important derivational processes, and ones that seem productive at present, involve the use of -ya:n and -ka:n. The second part of this chapter reviewed the formation of adjectivals and agentives. The data suggest that there is a general pattern that is structured along the lines of intransitivity vs. transitivity, and volition vs. lack of volition. Thus unaccusative intransitives (i.e. those instransitives that imply an agent and in which the subject is underlyingly a patient) form modifying words through the use of -ki on a perfective stem: kaxa:nkiit is loosetsaya:nkifissured Analogously, when a human subject is an involuntary (yet repeated) participant in an event or action, the same form is used: kokoxki a sick person; someone sickistlakatkia liar The ending -ke:tl seems to be reserved for those actions that can be considered more purposive, to some extent premeditated, or, at least, the someone self-reflecting action of a human agent: tlawa:nke:tla drunkard Finally, even more volitional would be the use of the eventual: tlawa:ninia drunkard; someone who gets drunk a lot With transitive verbs the division is clearer: simple preterit formation (without o:-) is used with inanimate subjects: te:miktih it is mortalte:kwala:nihit gets people mad On the other hand, -ke:tl (and less often, -ki) is used with human agents when the action is a socially recognized activity. If it is not, then the eventual can be used: te:miktike:tl assassin te:kwala:ni:nihe gets people mad Campbell and Karttunen, Foundation Course, chap. 19, refers to these as resultant state and patientive state nouns. Launey, Introduccin a la lengua, 27677, refers to them as nombres de objeto, and suggests that the variation in ending -l-li vs. -tl(i) reflects the phonological structure of the verb stem and does not reflect (or cause) any semantic variation between the two forms. Karen Dakin (personal communication) has suggested the same. Note that in Classical Nahuatl the impersonal reflexive ne- was used in passive constructions. Given that such forms are not found in Ameyaltepec Nahuatl this use of ne- no longer occurs. E.g. te:wa:n tlapo:wtli it is counted with the rest. Karen Dakin (personal communication). Recheck this form. See the comments of Launey on chi:hualiztli, ittaliztli, and caquiztli in Introduccin a la lengua nhuatl, 276. This and the following two deverbalized possessed nouns refer to the beginning, middle, and end of particular time periods, tasks, etc. E.g. o:tiktla:lilih me:roh ipan imika:n you gave it to him right at the right place to kill him (e.g. in stapping an ox, in punching someone in their Adams apple, etc.). E.g. ikocha:n o:nikasik, nochipa xa:k I caught him (at home) while he was sleeping, hes never there. Elder women from Oapan do say -tlakwalo:ya:n meaning at the time of Xs eating. Thus, :yekkeh notlakwa:lo:ya:n they arrived when I was in the middle of eating. However, nominal forms ending in lo:ya:n are rare, if nonexistent, in Ameyaltepec and surrounding villages. Note the use in ma:ka tonwetsis, temowa:ya:n Dont fall, its a steep slope. Sullivan, Compendium, 100, notes in this regard that inchoative intransitive verbs use the impersonal form with the tla- prefix in forming compounds with -ya:n. Cf. the usage in nika:n tlase:waya:n its cool here. Perhaps a construction similar to ahuiccampa de lado a lado, derived from the negative particle , the postposition -huic, and the compound locative ca:mpa. Perhaps related to the root or stem ihsiwi to be in a hurry. Note the occurrence in archaic texts of the Balsas River basis of nisihka:pan in my hurry or, in my time of hurrying. The verbal basis of nominal locatives is also exemplified by the manner in which -ka:n is found on nominalizations that end in -eh (which, as has been previously discussed has the morphological form of a preterit, like -chipa:w). Thus from ichpo:cheh one who has a daughter is formed ichp:chek:n the house of the bride in Oapan Nahuatl (cf. also te:lp:chek:n). I have not heard similar forms in Ameyaltepec. See Launey, Introduccin a la lengua nhuatl, 27980, for deverbalized nouns ending in -ka (always possessed), -ka:yo:tl, and lo:ka. Note, however, that the eventual, since it does not indicate anything about the number of times an event occurred may occasionally signify a single or very limited occurrences. 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C h a p t e r 2 1 J o n a t h a n D . A m i t h J o n a t h a n D A m i t h Oh +'0 8 D P \ h p x Chapter 21 hap Jonathan D. Amith d ona Normal.dot Jonathan D Amith d 44 a Microsoft Word 10.0 @ ֆ @ '@ @ \_r j Ec ՜. +,0 h p Yale University ; tt A Chapter 21 Title ! " # $ % & ' ( ) * + , - . / 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 : ; < = > ? @ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z [ \ ] ^ _ ` a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z { | } ~ ! " # $ % & ' ( ) * + , - . / 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 9 : ; < = > ? D R o o t E n t r y F _rF D a t a @ 1 T a b l e i W o r d D o c u m e n t (l S u m m a r y I n f o r m a t i o n ( 0 D o c u m e n t S u m m a r y I n f o r m a t i o n 8 8 C o m p O b j j F Microsoft Word Document MSWordDoc Word.Document.8 9q