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/home/cluster1/data/bu01/1121861/html/tosepan/Gramatica-Guerrero/Coursebook lessons/Chapter 06 Transitive verbs and nonreferential objects.doc
ࡱ > 0 2 - . / %` bjbj GI ̟ ̟ C o X \ 9 X R @ ~ ~ ~ 8 d < e b b ( q s s s 3 $ h o h R @ " @ 8 q q V @h ~ I v 5 0 e : n 4 & v * T ~ D - v e > P 7 P Chapter 6 Transitive Verbs and Nonreferential Objects 1. Introduction: An overview of referenential and nonreferential arguments As the term referential is used in this book, it signifies an argument that can be referred to or commented on in subsequent discourse. It is, therefore, a pragmatic concept. Nonreferential indicates that there is no possibility of mentioning the argument in subsequent discourse. The referential/nonreferential contrast should be distinguished from the following oppositions: definite vs. indefinite: whereas a definite is familiar to or identifiable by both speaker and hearer (or addressee) an indefinite is not. Thus in English I read the book last night! assumes that the addressee knows what book is being referred to. Pass me the wine assumes that among the many drinks on the table the hearer can idenfity the wine (from the grape juice) and that there is only one bottle. But I read a book last night does not imply that the addressee knows or can identify the book read (although the speaker obviously knows, hence it is specific). With plural nouns definiteness often implies inclusiveness, i.e., all the relevant members of a class: The children are out playing (i.e., all the children in a nursery). specific vs. nonspecific: Indefinite nouns or noun phrases may be specific (referring to an identifiable entity) or nonspecific, lacking such identity. Thus I saw a movie last night is indefinite (not known or easily identifiable by hearer) but specific. But if one is in Oapan the day before a wedding and hears squealing at four in the morning: They are slaughtering a pig is both indefinite and nonspecific. The question of definiteness and indefiniteness (as well as specificity) will be discussed further in the chapters on nouns. At this point it may simply be noted that definiteness is not overtly marked in Nahuatl but must be interpreted or assigned based on discourse context: Indefinite and nonspecific Ne:chpolowa ma:choh -ne:ch-polowa- ma:choh 3sgS-1sgO-to.be.lacking.to-pres.sg male.mule I am lacking a mule (e.g., said by someone tired of walking a long way who is wishing for a mule, any mule) Indefinite and specific Ya:lwa o:nihko:w tlake:ntli. Ya:lwa o:-ni-h-ko:w- tlake:n-tli yesterday compl-1sgS-3sgO-to.buy-perfv.sg clothes-abs I bought clothes yesterday (e.g., the speaker knows what he bought, i.e., it is specific, but it is indefinite or unknown to addressee) Definite and specific Ay, o:mik ma:choh! Ay, o:--mik- ma:choh Ay, compl-3sgS-to.die-perfv.sg male.mule Ay, the mule died! (e.g., said by a man who discovers that the familys only mule has died) This chapter is concerned not with the above distinctions (definiteness/indefiniteness and specificity/nonspecificity, all of which are treated in an advanced volume) but rather what is here considered referentiality or discourse referentiality, a concept that is important in understanding Nahuatl verb morphology and argument structure. The definition used here is as follows: referentiality vs. nonreferentiality: An argument is nonreferential when it is not available as a discourse topic. a) An intransitive verb with a nonreferential subject is, essentially, solely a reference to the verbal event, i.e., verb occurs. [e.g., wetskalo there is laughing] b) A transitive verb with a nonreferential object may have a referential subject. In such cases the meaning is subject performs verb action. [e.g., nite:pale:wia I help out (people)] c) Note that a transitive verb with a nonreferential object may also have a nonreferential subject. The meaning of this construction is simply that transitive verb event occurs, with no mention of either the subject or the object. [e.g., te:pale:wi:lo there is helping out (of people)] 2. Summary of the referential and nonreferential argument markers In chapter 3 the referential subject markings for verbs was introduced. To review, note the following intransitive paradigm, with the referential subject in bold and parsed out along with the tense/aspect/number marker (here all with the verb kalaki to enter): ni-kalaki-ti-kalaki-hti-kalaki-nin-kalaki-h-kalaki--kalaki-h A transitive paradigm, here with the object prefixes parsed out and in bold, is as follows (with 3rd-person subjects for the verb a:mihtia to make thirsty): -ne:ch-a:mihtia--te:ch-a:mihtia--mits-a:mihtia--me:ch-a:mihtia--k-a:mihtia--kim-a:mihtia- The 3rd-person subject and object markers may be definite or indefinite, specific or nonspecific (see examples above), but they are always referential in the sense here employed. Yet apart from these referential subject and object markers, Nahuatl has nonreferential markers as follows: For intransitives: -lo suffix indicating nonreferential human subjects tla- prefix indicating nonreferential nonhuman subjects For transitives: tla- prefix indicating nonreferential nonhuman objects te:- prefix indicating nonreferential human objects no- prefix indicating nonreferential objects that are corefential with the nonreferential subject (i.e., used in reflexive constructions) -lo suffix indicating nonreferential human subject (agents of transitives) There are several important points to consider: For both nonreferential subjects and nonreferential objects Nahuatl distinguishes between humans and nonhumans. Indeed this (+human or -human) is all that such markers communicate. The meaning of tla- as a prefix to an intransitive verb (as a nonreferential subject) is distinct from its meaning as a prefix to a transitive verb (as a nonreferential object). Thus to know the meaning and function of tla- preceding a verb, one must know the valency of that verb. With intransitives tla- is a nonreferential subject, with transitives it is a nonreferential object. the reflexive no- is nonreferential (with transitive verbs) only when it is accompanied by the -lo nonreferential subject suffix (the use of the reflexive marker in nonreferential constructions will be covered in the following chapter) This chapter will focus on nonreferential objects, which are by definition limited to transitive verbs. The following chapter examines nonreferential subjects, which are found with both intransitive and transitive verbs. 3. Nonreferential objects in Nahuatl: an introduction 3.1 Referentiality Nahuatl has two prefixes that when used with transitive verbs can only mark a nonreferential object: te:- for human objects tla- for nonhuman objects However, even though the object markers are nonreferential they do indicate whether the object is human or nonhuman. They have often been (mis)translated as meaning someone and something. Although occasionally such translations must be used for lack of an alternative, they are not accurate. Nahuatl does have lexical equivalents of these English termsyekah someone and itlah somethingbut these are crossreferenced on the verb with a referential 3rd-person marker and are quite different in discourse function than the nonreferential markers: Yekah nihtete:mowa yekah ni-h-tete:mowa- someone 1sgS-3sgO-to.look.for-pres.sg I look for someone Itlah nihtete:mowa itlah ni-h-tete:mowa- something 1sgS-3sgO-to.look.for-pres.sg I look for something In both cases the discourse could easily continue with some reference to the argument: Yekah nihtete:mowa, nihwi:kilia tomi:n. Im looking for someone, I owe him money (used, for example, if the speaker does not want the hearer to know the identity of the person to whom money is owed) Itlah nihtete:mowa, xnimitsihli:s tli:no:n, pero we:i. Im looking for something, Im not going to tell you what (it is), but it is big. If nonreferential object markers (te:- or tla-) were to be used instead of yekah and itlah, respectively, there could be no subsequent reference to the object. This is illustrated by the following sentences. First note: Itlah o:kikowato, ne:si tla: i kwahli kinemakas He went to buy something, it seems he will later sell it In the preceding, the object of o:kikowato is the object of kinemakas. A similar sequence is not possible with the nonreferential object: O:tlakowato, ?ne:si tla: i kwahli kinemakas He went shopping, ?it seems that he will later sell it The preceding illustrates why something is a poor translation for tla- (and mutatis mutandi, someone is a poor translation for te:-). It shows that the best translation of Nahuatl transitive verbs with a nonreferential marker might often utilize an intransitive English verb or a gerund. Thus note how the transitive verb kowa is best translated as to buy with a referential object but to shop with the nonreferential object tla- (it would not occur with te:- except, perhaps, to refer to a slavetrader): Itlah nihkowas I will buy something Nitlakowas I will shop Itlah o:nihkowato I went to buy something O:nitlakowato I went shopping If the use of tla- and te:- does not introduce a topic of discourse, then, concomitantly, the subject of a predicate that follows a nonreferential object often refers to the predicate event itself or the subject, never to the object: Tite:mihtia, xkwahli. ti-te:-mihtia- x--kwahli 2sgS-NonRefHum-to.kill-pres.sg neg-3sgS-good You kill, its not right (note that xkwahli cannot refer to the badness of the person killed but only to the badness of the predicate verbal event; in the above phrase it cannot refer to the subject of te:mihtia only because this is 2sg, in Te:mihtia, xkwahli, xkwahli could refer to either the subject or the predicate event) Tlamihtia, nakakwa ti-tla-mihtia-, ti-nakakwa- 2sgS-NonRefNHum-to.kill-pres.sg 12gS-to.eat.meat-pres.sg He engages in slaughtering, he eats meat (one could not say Tlamihtia, kikwa:sneki, i.e, He engages in slaughtering, ?he eats it.) 3.2 Differences between te:- and tla- In general the difference between te- and tla- as nonreferential object markers is that the former refers to human objects and the latter to nonhumans. O:tihmihtih mopitso, o:titlamihtih You killed your pig, you slaughtered (an animal) O:tihmihtih se: tla:katl, o:tite:mihtih You killed a man, you killed (someone) Thus, using the agentive form ending in -ni (indicating that the subject engages habitually in the action) one has two completely different actions, as distinguished in, for example, a language such as English te:mihtia:ni an assassin tlamihtia:ni a butcher A similar distinction, between human and nonhuman objects, occurs with the transitive verb kwa. The polysemous verb kwa (to bite, to eat) will tend to one or the other meaning depending on whether the object is human or not. With the human object the interpretation of the verb is as meaning to bite whereas with the nonhuman object it is to eat: nite:kwa I bite nitlakwa I eat A subtle effect of assigning the meaning to eat to the use of tla- with kwa, is that te- is interpreted as meaning to bite even when the object is not necessarily a human. Thus Te:kwa notskwin means My dog bites (people). But in this case the dog could bite any animate (e.g., another dog) and the label would still be appropriate. Tlakwa notskwin could not be used for a dog that bites other animals: it means only My dog eats. Thus whereas with the verb mihtia the alternation between te:- and tla- marks the difference between a +human and and -human animate (one could not, of course, kill an inanimate), with the verb kwa the alternation between te:- and tla- is perhaps more a difference between an animate and inanimate, though the primary interpretation of te:kwa would be that the subject of the verb bites people. There are other, perhaps more subtle differences between the use of te:- and tla- with transitive verbs. Thus note: nite:wiwi:kaltia ni-te:-wiwikaltia- 1sgS-NSpHumO-to.insult-pres.sg I swear at (insult, curse) people nitlawiwi:kaltia ni-tla-wiwi:kaltia- 1sgS-NRefNHumO-to.insult-pres.sg I swear outloud (i.e., I curse a lot) The first construction, nite:wiwi:kaltia has a human as the entity toward which the swearing is directed. Thus the subject of te:wiwi:kaltia is someone who swears at or insults others. However, the subject of tlawiwi:kaltia is someone who simply swears, who lets out curses when the so inclined (e.g., after stubbing a toe). In other cases tla- is conventionally used even when the object is always human. Thus one has tla:kwa:te:kia he baptizes. Virtually unused is te:kwa:te:kia, perhaps because it is understood that the object of a baptism is always a human. The latter has more of a focusing effect: It is people he baptizes. Another interesting case is with the verb pale:wia nite:pale:wia ni-te:-pale:wia- 1sgS-NRefHum-to.help-pres.sg I will help (people) out tlapale:wia -tla-pale:wia- 3sgS-NRefNHumO-to.help-pres.sg He helps out or It is a support (lit., it supports or props things) The latter verb can be used to indicate a person (subject) who helps out, or an object that props or supports other things (e.g, Ma:ka xki:xtili, tlapale:wia!Dont take it away from it (e.g, a beam from a falling wall), its helping out (i.e., serving as a support). It is, however, extremely common for one to say Nitlapale:wi:s I am going to help out when going to help a group of people finish a task (e.g., house construction). An additional case of te:- and tla- being used in distinct senses of the verb occurs with the transitive mihtia to kill. As mentioned above, in many cases te:mihtia is to kill (a person) and tlamihtia is to slaughter (an animal) But another acceptation of tlamihtia, applied to human or animal mothers with young offspring is to lose (a child) accidentally to death (used only in reference to female subjects, animals or humans, whose newborn child dies shortly after birth, perhaps within some three to six months (see discussion of tlanemi:tia below). Thus considering this sense, when the subject of mihtia is a human female, te:mihtia indicates direct causation (to kill) and tlamihtia indicates indirect causation or a type of applicative sense (to lose a newborn child to death). Finally, note that there is often a context-independent culturally determined meaning to transitive verbs with the nonreferential nonhuman object. This meaning can be contrasted to a context-dependent meaning and use. In the former, a transitive verb with tla- may be used with a culturally determined meaning, regardless of context. In such cases one may simply utter the verb out of context (or at the beginning of a verbal exchange) and the meaning will be fully understood: tete:mowa to look for tlate:mowa to look for ones animals (donkeys, mules, cattle) that have been left out to graze ma:ka:wa to release or let go tlama:ka:wa to let animals out to graze (usually overnight, so that they dont have to be given fodder) a:ltia to bathe tlaa:ltia to make candles (by bathing wicks hanging from a hoop) pilowa to hang tlapilowa to fish (by hanging hooks from stakes placed in the river) ne:xtia to find tlane:xtia to find a spouse pia to have tlapia to have a boyfriend or girlfriend The context-independent, culturally specified use and meaning of tla- will be the focus of much of the remaining sections of this chapter. But first, to more fully explain and illustrate object deletion, a brief discussion of English is presented. 4. Object deletion in English: a paradigm for understanding similar Nahuatl structures In Nahuatl the use tla- (and, much less, te:-) is similar to, but not the same as, object deletion in English. However, unlike English, almost all Nahuatl transitive verbs accept a nonreferential nonhuman object whereas English verbs are quite varied in whether or not they accept object delition. Consider the English verbs buy, find, look, and eat and their Balsas Nahuatl equivalents ne:xtia, te:mowa, and kwa. English ?Ive already bought.Not acceptableCompare to the verb to look; there is no context in which the object of bought can be omitted.?Ive already found.Not acceptableSame as above.Ive already looked.Acceptable in certain contexts.But only accepted when the object of look is already the a topic. E.g., A: Look for the cat! B: Ive already looked! Note that find is like buy and cannot be used without an object.Ive already eatenAcceptable regardless of context but with a culturally specific meaning.But eat has a culturally determined meaning of to have a meal that is different from its use with an object. Thus I ate an apple does not imply that I ate. Whereas, I looked for X always implies, in context, that I looked. Nahuatl Yo:nitlako:w.Acceptable regardless of context.The relationship of yokiko:w X he has bought X to yo:tlako:w he has bought (things) or better he has shopped is much the same as that between English I looked for X and I looked. That is, there no difference in the verbal meaning.Yo:nitlane:xtih.Acceptable regardless of context but with a culturally specific meaning.Isolated with no defining context, the verb ne:xtia to find with a nonreferential nonhuman object has the meaning of to find a spouse. It can, of course, in context mean Ive found (what I was looking for) but it is most often understood as referring to a spouse. Note (and see the discussion of tlacholo:ltia and tlapia below) how even though tla- is used, the culturally determined reference is to a nonreferential human object.Yo:nitlate:moh.Acceptable regardless of context but with a culturally specific meaning.Isolated and with no defining context (although usually with an extraverse directional indicating that the subject went to verb) indicates that subject went to look for animals that had been left out to graze and had moved.Yo:nitlakwah.Acceptable regardless of context but with a culturally specific meaning.As with English eat, tlakwa has a culturally specific meaning of to eat a meal. In certain contexts (e.g., a town fiesta) this might include the expectation that meat be served. The preceding suggests several points that will be brought out in full: Nahuatl verbs with apparently the same semantics as an English verb differ in that they can accept nonreferential object whereas the English verbs cannot accept object deletion (cf. kowa and buy) Nahuatl transitive verbs often have a culturally specific meaning with tla- (e.g., te:mowa) Nahuatl transitive verbs not uncommonly use nonreferential tla- with a culturally specific meaning that refers to a human object (cf. tlane:xtia). Moreover, in most of these instances te:- could not be employed instead (e.g., ?te:ne:xtia) A further exploration of object deletion in English will be bring to the fore additional considerations in object deletion (English) and nonreferential arguments (Nahuatl). Note that in many languages, including English the objects of certain transitive verbs can simply be deleted. Thus one can use clean, cook, eat, hunt, and paint, among other transitive verbs, without an overtly expressed object (which is nevertheless implied maintaining the basic semantic transitivity of the verb despite the lack of an overt grammatical object). The Nahuatl equivalent of these preceding English verbs with object deletion would be transitive verbs with the nonreferential object prefix tla- (underlined in the following). Thus, for example: tlachipa:wa noxa:poh your soap cleans titlakwa you eat (a meal) tlatlapahlo:tia s/he paints (any object, the reference being only to the fact that subject is engaged in this action, painting) Some English verbs, however, can never undergo object deletion (e.g., find; cf. ?I already found, which is never correct in any context to I already looked, which is correct in some contexts, see below). In Nahuatl, however, there are very few (if any) transitive verbs that cannot take at least one of the nonreferential object markers (see above). Another group of English verbs can delete the object only in particular contexts, as illustrated in the following exchange involving the verb to look (taken from Allerton, 1975, p. 214) A I cant find my book.B Well, look for it.A Ive already looked! In English one can initiate an exchange with look, but this only occurs in certain contexts, e.g. the imperative Look! when the direction of speakers gaze provides a clear clue to that is supposed to be of interest. That is, look allows object deletion only when discourse antecedents have defined the object. A related type of object deletion occurs when a transitive verb with various senses accepts object deletion, but only with certain senses. Again, context provides the clue as to meaning of the deleted object. Fillmore (1986, p. 1002) gives several examples along the lines of the following: He lost the race / the election / the contest. He lost his wallet / the key to the office. But simple He lost can only be understood as referring to losing a type of competition, and not a material object. A second set of verbs permits context-free object deletion. The transitive verb can be expressed without an object irregardless of previous discourse or the actual context. In other words, a speaker can simply utter the transitive verb without its overt object and the meaning will be understood, though this will be a specific acceptation of the verb. An example would be English to eat (and the Spanish cognate comer). In English to eat means in effect to eat a meal (whereas in Spanish comer means to eat a midday meal). Likewise the verb to drink when used without an overt object cannot signify anything but to drink an alcoholic beverage. ?Hes very thirsty thats why hes drinking. Or, John is drinking again. The first type of deletion mentioned above (section 4.1) was called contextual deletion by Allerton; Fillmore refered to the situation as one of definite null complements, where the missing element must be retrieved from something given in the context (p. 96). The second type of deletion is referred to by both authors as indefinite deletion (Fillmore uses the term indefinite null complement to refer to the object, which is unknown or a matter of indifference (p. 96). Both scenarios are important to understanding the meaning, use, and best translation for Nahuatl verbs with the nonreferential object prefix tla-. Thus if we look at object deletion in English we can see the following types, in a very preliminary sketch: Context dependent Never accepted: e.g., the verb find Accepted only in specific contexts: e.g., the verb look Accepted only with specific meaning of the verb: e.g., the verb lost (which allows object deletion only with the sense of losing a type of competition) Context independent Can be deleted in any context, or out of context, in which case it has a specific culturally determined meaning, e.g., the verb eat. There is, finally, a Nahuatl construction with nonreferential objects that has not been much discussed in the literature. This involves the overt expression of the referential object but not as a core argument marked on the verb, but as an oblique argument following the conjunction ya:. This construction, is similar to an antipassive and is discussed after the first two cases: context dependent and context independent deletion. 5. Context dependent object deletion in Nahuatl Transitive Nahuatl verbs have a paradigmatic slot for the object. For referential objects this is immediately preceding the verb stem, with the sequence te: + tla if there are two nonreferential objects in a ditransitive verb (see chapter xx). Therefore a transitive verb (with the exceptions noted in section 7) must always have an object (be it referential or nonreferential) marked on the stem. One can never say simply kwa, but always kikwa, mitskwa, tlakwa and other forms with an overt object prefix. Moreover, the nonreferential tla- has pragmatic discource function: it may indicate speaker desire to not mention the object it may indicate the irrelevance (or even obviousness) of the object (e.g., in greetings) it focuses on the predicate event and backgrounds the object Speakers may often wish to refer to a transitive verbal activity without wishing to go into details (so to speak). Nahuatl offers speakers this possibility through the nonreferential markers. Thus, in passing someone on the streets of Oapan, a standard greeting is: Tontlakowas? Are you going shopping? (lit., Are you going to buy) Or a response to Xa:k Juan? (Is Juan around?) might be Ka:yoweh, o:tlapale:wi:to (No, he went to help out). Or again, once the object is clearly known, speakers may simply chose, in further discussion, to focus on the predicate event, without feeling the necessity to repeat the referential object: Tihpale:wi:s Juan? Will you help Juan? Ke:mah, nontlapale:wi:s i:cha:n! Yes, Im going to help out at his house! It is this focus on the occurrence of the predicate event that makes nonreferential markers so common in greetings. Oapan greetings are often simply a comment on the action in which ones interlocutor (person being greeted) is engaged. Use of a referential object is unnecessary, either because the information is superfluous for the task at hand (a greeting that simply acknowledges the presence of an individual by commenting on the action engaged in) or because the object is clearly visible to all concerned parties (as when the person greeted is feeding his pigs): Titlatlamaka?So youre feeding the animals?Titlachpa:na?So youre sweeping up?Titlaye:hchi:wa?So youre fixing things up? Finally, there are a few verbs that either do not take nonreferential objects or do so with only one particular (out of several possible) senses. An example of the first case is ye:hpowa meaning to replant with new seed (particularly maize) where the original seeds did not sprout. This verb usually occurs without an object marker, but it can take a referential (3rd-person) object. Slightly different is the case of to:ka, which can mean either to plant or to bury. The former sense, like ye:hpowa, usually occurs as an intransitive, though it may take a referential 3rd-person object (e.g., To:kas, kito:kas yetl, he will plant, he will plant beans) only a referential object is accepted. With the sense of to bury either a referential or nonreferential object must be used but if the object is nonreferential only te:- is acceptable. Thus *tlato:ka is not acceptable: with the sense of to plant it is not acceptable because only a referential object is used and with the sense of to bury it is not acceptable as only the human nonreferential object te:- can be used. 6. Context independent and culturally determined meanings Context independent and culturally determined meanings of tla- occur when the use of the nonreferential with little or no orienting context, can be interpreted with a very specific meaning, including an object. Many examples have been given already: tlate:mowa, tlama:ka:wa, tlaa:ltia, tlapilowa, tlane:xtia, tlapia, and tlakwa and perhaps hundreds more could be adduced with proper and extensive research. One defining characteristic of this function of tla- is that a transitive verb with this nonreferential object can be interpreted with no clearly defining context). Speakers recognize this and will respond in a way that demonstrates this recognition. Note the following Oapan conversation: A Ka:ny: o:yah mokone:w?A Where did your child go?B O:tlapilo:to.B He went fishing (by hanging lines and hooks from stakes sunk in the river)? The conversation continued with a discussion about fish and foods containing fish, a clear recognition that Speaker A understood that the child had gone fishing. The contextually independent and culturally determined use of the nonreferential tla- with ne:xtia and pia demonstrates that such culturally defined meaning may involve utilizing tla- despite the implication of a human nonreferential object. Its use with cholo:ltia, the causative of cholowa to flee, is interesting in that both a context independent (culturally determined) and context independent meaning can result. The context independent, culturally determined meaning is to elope with a maiden. Thus a simple out-of-context statement O:tlacholo:ltih Juan will invariably be interpreted as Juan eloped with a maiden (it may be followed by a question, A:kino:n o:kicholo:ltih? With whom did he elope? and an answer O:kicholo:ltih Mara He eloped with Mara). However, if we know that Juan went out to the hills to get firewood and someone remarks, O:tlacholo:ltih Juan the first interpretation might be Juan allowed his mule to escape on him. That is, cholo:ltia may also have the meaning to inadvertently allow to flee/escape. The context of Juans going to get firewood (for which he would take a mule or donkey) would orient the addressee to interpret o:tlacholo:ltih as allow (an animal) to flee or escape. The causative nemi:tia with tla- also has both an idiomatic sense (used in the negative), and one that refers to nonreferential animates (either humans or nonhumans): xwel tlanemi:tia x-wel -tla-nemi:tia- neg-be.able.to 3sgS-NSpNHumO-pres.sg She (a woman or a femal animal) is unable to keep her offspring alive Again, the form ?te:nemi:tia is not used, even when the subject and offspring are human. There are, finally, some cases where tla- indicates a taboo object, much as in English Are we going to do it? in reference to sex. Thus tlachichi:wa (in Oapan usually tl:chi:wa) used in reference to animals means to impregnate. 7. Tla- and the antipassive A passive construction is one in which a patient (a semantic role) is expressed as grammatical subject and the agent (semantic role) is either not mentioned or mentioned as an oblique (e.g,, in English with the prepositon by): Active voice: John hit the ball. Passive voice: The ball was hit. The ball was hit by John. Not all languages allow the agent to be expressed in a passive (see chapter xx). An antipassive likewise begins with a transitive verb with subject and object but now backgrounds the object. It may simply be surpressed (see section 5 above) or it may be expressed obliquely, through what in Nahuatl is a subordinator ika (or, in Oapan, ya:, meaning with). That is, instead of expressing the object of a transitive verb as a core argument, the verb is detransitivized with tla- and the object is expressed obliquely after ya:. In this book the only constructions considered antipassives are those in which the object is overtly expressed, but obliquely, and the transitive verb has the nonreferential argument tla-. Consider the following: Wel nitlapilowa ya: totopoxtli. I can make tortillas with ridges (lit. I can hang things, with tortillas with ridges) In this case there are two context-independent and culturally determined meanings of tlapilowa: a) to fish by hanging baited hooks in the river; and b) to make totopoxtli (a sweeted ruffled tortilla prepared on Corpus Christi by pushing dough off the edge of metate in fine rows so that it forms ridges). The oblique mention of ya: totopoxtli clarifies that the nonreferential object refers to totopoxtli and not the line and hook of fishermen. Likewise, tlamihtia refers to the act of slaughtering an animal, without reference to what type of animal. The type can be introduced through an oblique object: nitlamihti:s ya: wa:kax I will slaughter a head of cattle (lit, more I will act as a butcher in reference to a steer) Another case is the following: Wel tlakopi:na ya: yextli. He can let out maguey fiber (i.e., in helping someone spin rope) (lit. He can let things out one-by-one with maguey fiber) This latter can be compared to: kikopi:na ixtli -ki-kopi:na- ix-tli He lets out the hemp Note that in Wel tlakopi:na ya: yextli the object of kopi:na is nonreferential. There is no mention of clumps of hemp. Rather, the sentence refers to a general ability of the subject to let things out (as in letting strands of fiber out as they are twined around each other). Indeed, one could imagine a scenario in which the oblique is not necessary or not used. For example, two individuals go out to make rope and one says to the other: Newa nitlakopi:nas, tewa titlatetsi:lo:s Ill be the one to let out (the hemp), you be the one to twist (it) tight. Given that tlakopi:na may be used to refer to letting things out that are not hemp, it is often necessary to specify what the understood object is. This is accomplished by means of the Nahuatl antipassive. Finally, the antipassive can be used in cases in which a referential object is needed with a nonreferntial subject. As will be seen in the following chapter, such constructions are not permitted. The nonreferential subject marker for transitive verbs is the suffix -lo. This cannot be used with a referential object: ?kimihti:lo wa:kax ? They (nonreferential) slaughter cattle Instead one must use a nonreferential object tlamihti:lo There is slaughtering (of animals). The only way to indicate what animals are being slaughtered with a nonreferential (impersonal) subject is through an antipassive construction, with an oblique reference to the object: tlamihti:lo ya: wa:kax There is slaughtering (of animals), it concerns cattle The following table indicates several ways of expressing similar concepts: Table 6.1 a)Kinechikowah tlayo:hliThey collect maize (i.e., as part of a collection to gather funds).b)Tlanechikowah ya: tlayo:hliThey take up a collection of maizec)Nonechikowa tlayo:hliMaize is collected.d)Tlanechiko:lo ya: tlayo:hliA collection is being taken up of maize. In sum, the oblique mention of the object of a transitive verb with the nonreferential object marker tla- can be used for various reasons: to distinguish between possible objects of a culturally determined use of tla-. Thus with tlapilowa, which can mean to fish with a line and hook or to make totopoxtli (in addition to other context specific meanings) ya: totopoxtli is used to indicate that it is the second use that is meant; to background the object (focusing on the agent and predicate event) while still introducing it into the discourse as a topic (e.g., nitlakopi:nas ya: yextli) to permit the mention of a referential object with a nonreferential subject (e.g., tlanechiko:lo ya: tlayo:hli) 8. Summary This chapter explored the use and meaning of nonreferential objects in Nahuatl. The first part of the chapter introduced and explained the concept of nonreferentiality in that there is no possibility of referencing the argument in subsequent discourse unless it is specifically introduced (e.g., though an oblique). The concept of nonreferentiality is important to understanding Nahuatl treatment of objects (this chapter) and subjects (next chapter). A second section of this chapter discussed context-dependent and context-independent use of the tla- nonreferential object marker (the te:- marker cannot be used in the same function). Clearly, tla- may have very specific, culturally determined meanings (e.g., tlapilowa meaning to fish (with line and hook). Tla- can at times refer to humans (e.g., tlacholo:ltia). Finally, an oblique construction can introduce a referential and specific object argument even if the subject is nonreferential. This is the topic of the following chapter. Fig. 6.1a Fig. 6.1b See. Christopher Lyons, Definiteness. New York: Cambridge University Press (1999). Note that I saw the movie last night assumes that hearer also knows what movie is being talked about, e.g, the movie the teacher assigned as homework last week. But note, see chapter 7, that a transitive verb may not have a nonreferential subject with a referential object Note that the only nonreferential subject marker with transitive verbs, -lo, is +human. Thus it is possible to say that eating occurs, with people doing the eating, tlakwa:lo, but not that eating occurs with animals doing the eating. In Oapan one would actually find the form n:hte:mowa rather than nihtete:mowa, but this construction will be left for a later chapter. The verb tete:mowa has been chosen because its object can easily be either human or nonhuman. Actually, through the reduction of the reduplicant common in Oapan, this would be tl:wikaltia. In Ameyaltepec one has tlauwikaltia and in most neighboring villages tlawihwikaltia. In the Sierra Norte de Puebla tla- is much more common than te:-, which is falling into disuse even when the object is clearly human (e.g., tlamachtia he teaches rather than the less common te:machtia). Note that this is {tla+pia}. It should be distinguised from {tlahpia} meaning to keep watch over (a house). The only other Nahuatl scholar to explore the use of the nonreferential object marker tla- is David Tuggy. The list is taken from D. J. Allerton, Deletion and proform reduction, Journal of Linguistics 11(1975): 21337. This article and Charles J. Fillmore, Pragmatically controlled zero anaphora, Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 12(1986): 9617, have provided much of the theoretical basis for this chapter. Thus the ditransitive verb maka to give (sth) to (sb) forms nite:tlamaka, which has the culturally specific meaning of I give food (to people). Note also that one standard response to the query on the street Ka:n tiaw? (Where are you going?) is Te:cha:n. (lit. someone elses house but best translated as visiting, much like tlakowa is best translated as shopping rather than buying things. Cf. the discussion of English lost with object deletion. These verbs are specified in the lexicon by the code tla-V2 in the \inc field, i.e., the field that codes the nature of incorporation in a Nahuatl verb. 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