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/home/cluster1/data/bu01/1121861/html/tosepan/Gramatica-Guerrero/Coursebook lessons/Chapter 03 Intransitive verbs and referential subjects.doc
ŠĻą”±į > ž’ ž’’’ ’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’’ģ„Į %` šæ č bjbj®õ®õ :ģ Ģ Ģ é ß ’’ ’’ ’’ ¤ ę ę ę j P L ° ² ² ² 8 Š² d“ ¬ ° į ś · · ( D· D· D· ø ø ø @ß Bß Bß Bß Bß Bß Bß $ ’ć h gę v fß Y » ø ø » » fß D· D· Ū æą ©Ź ©Ź ©Ź » ą D· D· @ß ©Ź » @ß ©Ź ©Ź |Ń h LŅ D· · ąĒÅćWĆČ ² ¾ ś äŃ |Õ Ä Õą 0 į ōŃ X Żę yČ Ņ Żę LŅ Żę LŅ 0 ø !¹ ø ©Ź Ł¹ mŗ 2 ø ø ø fß fß KŹ ^ ø ø ø į » » » » ° ° ° äQ a Q ° ° ° a ° ° ° ’’’’ Chapter 3 Nahuatl verbs: Intransitive verbs and referential subjects 1. The definition of a verb The major parts of speech in Nahuatl are verbs, nouns, and modifiers (both adjectives, which modify nouns, and adverbs, which modify predicates). This and the following three chapters focus on verbs. It is therefore important to define this term: Nahuatl verbs can be defined as those parts of speech that are: always predicative (i.e., always have a subject marking and are in themselves complete clauses); always inflected for tense, aspect, or mood (TAM) through a suffix; always show number agreement between a referential subject (marked through a verbal prefix) and the verb (singular or plural, marked through a number suffix). Note that impersonal verbs have a nonreferential subject (see below) and there is no number marking on the verb (i.e., the verbal predicate says nothing about the number of the suffix). Any part of speech that does not manifest these characteristics is not a verb: nitla:katl I am a man is a predicate. However, the number agreement it manifests (the absolutive ending -tl is the singular for unpossessed nouns) is a number suffix for nouns, not verbs. Most significantly, however, this clause is marked for tense through an independent copula: nitla:katl yes I will be a man and is therefore not a verb. tipitentsitsi:ntih (Oa)We are small is a predicate. The subject ti- can be either 2sgS or 1plS. Here the fact that it is the latter is indicated by the plural ending -tsitsi:ntih. Note that the singular would be tipitentsi:n You are small The preceding two predicates are nominal and adjectival, respectively. The main characteristic of nonverbal predication is that tenses/aspect is marked through the copula (zero in the present; see chapter x). At times an intransitive verb may be defective (i.e., not fully verbal in all its manifestations). An example is the Ameyaltepec verb tlaksa (in Oapan tlasa), which has two acceptations and two manners of inflection, one fully verbal and the other not: Tense/AspectFully verbalNot fully verbalPresenti:pan nitlaksa I step on itnitlaksa I am fastFuturei:pan nitlaksas I will step on itnitlaksa yes I will be fastPerfectivei:pan o:nitlaksak I stepped on itnitlaksa katka I was/used to be fast With the relational noun form i:pan on it tlaksa means to step on and inflects like a verb: the tense/aspect and number suffixes. When used alone this verb acquires an adjectival sense to be fast and is now inflected through an independent copula (yes in the future and katka in the past, which zero [ų] in the present). It is important to note that Nahuatl instransitive verbs may often be best translated into English as adjectives. Thus nipa:ki is a verb, but the best translation is as a predicate adjective: I am happy. Referential subject affixes An example of two verbal paradigms reveals the nature of subject affixes in Nahuatl. The forms below are given in a standard 3-line interlinear format (surface formmorphological parsegloss) that will be used throughout this book: niwetska ni-wetska-ų 1sgS-to.laugh-pres.sg I laughtiwetskah ti-wetska-ų 1plS-to.laugh-pres.sg We laughtiwetska ti-wetska-ų 2sgS-to.laugh-pres.sg you laughninwetskah nin-wetska-h 2plS-to.laugh-pres.sg you all laughwetska ų-wetska-ų 3sgS-to.laugh-pres.sg he/she/it laughswetskah ų-wetska-h 3plS-to.laugh-pres.pl they laughwetskalo wetska-lo-ų to.laugh-NSpHumS-pres there is laughing (no reference to subject) na:tli n-a:tli-ų 1sgS-to.drink.water-pres.sg I drink waterta:tlih t-a:tli-h 1plS-to.drink.water-pres.sg We drink waterta:tli t-wetska-ų 2sgS-to.drink.water-pres.sg you drink waternina:tlih nim-a:tli-h 2plS-to.drink.water-pres.sg you all drink watera:tli ų-a:tli-ų 3sgS-to.drink.water-pres.sg he/she/it drinks watera:tlih ų-a:tlih-h 3plS-to.drink.water-pres.pl they drink watera:tli:lo a:tli-lo-ų to.drink.water-NSpHumS-pres there is drinking of water (no reference to subject) A comparison of the preceding two paradigms reveals the tendency to lose the /i/ of the prefixes before vowel-initial stems. Historically it might be better to consider that it is the /i/ that is inserted to break up a syllable initial CC sequence that violates some phonotactic constraints in Nahuatl. The plural marker in the present is -h. A summary of the prefixes is presented at the beginning of the following section Tense/Aspect and number suffixes Compare two of the preceding verbs: niwetska ta:tlih Technically, the correct parses and glosses are: ni-wetska-ų-ų t-a:tli-ų-h 1sgS-to.laugh-pres-sg 1plS-to.drink.water-pres-pl However, for practical purposes, in these lessons the TAM suffixes and the number suffixes will be considered a single unit, to be glossed as such. Thus the parse and gloss of the preceding will be: ni-wetska-ų t-a:tli-h 1sgS-to.laugh-pres.sg 1plS-to.drink.water-pres.pl Note that the dictionary entry for intransitive verbs is the 3rd-person singular, e.g., wetska. Although by convention this is often glossed in dictionaries by the infinitive (e.g., to laugh or, in Spanish, llorar) the Nahuatl verb is not an infinitive (i.e., with no subject) but rather a 3rd-person singular. It is important to remember that all verbs are predicates with either a referential or nonreferential subject. Given that the 3rd-person subject prefix, zero [ų] is the most unmarked, it is used as the headword entry. 2. The morphology of intransitives: Referential subject prefixes Intransitive verbs are simple to define and parse in Nahuatl: Intransitive verb: An intransitive verb is a verb that has only a grammatical subject and no grammatical object. The subject is obligatorily marked on the verb with a prefix. The morphology of the intransitive verb is simple as well: the subject is prefixed and the tense/aspect and number morphemes are suffixed. There is very little variation in the forms of these prefixes across variants of Nahuatl. Compare the following from Oapan and Ameyaltepec: Table 3.1 Subject Prefixes in Oapan and Ameyaltepec Nahuatl Gloss1sgS2sgS3sgS1plS2plS3plSNRefHumNRefNHumManifestation (Oa)n-1 ni-2t-1 ti-2ų-t-1 ti-2nim-3 nin-4 ni-ų--lotla-Manifestation (Am)n-1 ni-2t-1 ti-2ų- t-1 ti-2nam-3 nan-4 na-ų--lotla- The zero morpheme subject prefix (ų-) is found before all verbs in the 3rd person, be they singular or plural. The other prefixes are conditioned by the phonological form of the first segment (or phoneme) of the verb: 1 n- and t- Before vowel-initial verbs (e.g., na:tli I drink water n-a:tli) 2 ni- and ti- Before consonant initial verbs (although at times before a vowel initial verb; e.g., nipa:ki I am happy ni-pa:ki; although occasionally nia:polaki for na:polaki, I submerge myself in the water. If this series of prefixes is used before vowel-initial stems, it seems that this occurs more often before vowel-initial predicate nouns as opposed to verbs. It may also be, by extension, that with vowel-initial verbs in which the first element is an incorporated noun speakers might be slightly more likely to use the ni-, ti- prefixes, e.g., nia:to:lchi:wa I make atole ni-a:to:l-chi:wa; cf. na:to:lchi:wa, which would still appear to be more common) 3 nim- (Oa) and nam- (Am) Before vowel-initial verbs and verbs that begin with a labial consonant, e.g, /p/ (e.g., nima:tlih (Oa) or nama:tlin (Am) you all drink water; nim-a:tli-h or nam-a:tli-n) 4 nin- (Oa) and nan- (Am) Before verbs that begin with any non-labial or non-nasal consonant, i.e, before all consonant-initial verbs except those that begin with /p/, /m/, or /n/ (e.g., nintoma:wih (Oa) you all get fat nin-toma:wi-h) and nantekipanowan (Am) nan-tekipanowa-n you all work 5 ni- (Oa) and na- (Am) Before verbs that begin with a nasal (e.g., nine:sih you all appear ni-ne:si-h or nanemin you all live na-nemi-n) One could analyze the prefix variants (allomorphs) as either derived from a single basic form through phonological rules. Thus all the second set of forms (i.e., ni- and ti-) could be considered t o b e d e r i v e d f r o m t h e p r e c e d i n g f o r m s ( n - a n d t - ) t h r o u g h a r u l e o f e p e n t h e s i s , w h i c h i n s e r t s a n e p e n t h e t i c / i / b e t w e e n t w o s y l l a b l e - i n i t i a l c o n s o n a n t s : ų ! i / # C _ C ( w h e r e # i n d i c a t e s a s y l l a b l e b o u n d a r y ; t h u s { n + t e k i t i } ! / n i t e k i t i / L i k e w i s e t h e v a riation among the 2nd-person plural prefixes (e.g., Oapan nim-, nin- and ni-) could be explained by a rule that affects nasals in which a nasal is articulated at the point of articulation of the following consonant. This would explain a sound change that is not represented orthographically: the final /n/ of nam- or nim- is velarized [(] before a velar consonant n ! ( / _ _ k , k w , w F i n a l l y , t h e a l l o m o r p h i c v a r i a t i o n n i - a n d n a - f o r t h e 2 n d - p e r s o n p l u r a l c a n b e e x p l a i n e d b y a p r o c e s s o f a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d d e g e m i n a t i o n w h e r e b y ( c o n s i d e r i n g c e r t a i n m o r p h o l o g i c a l l y m o t i v a t e d e x c e p t i o n s ) i n a s e q u e n c e o f t w o n a s a l s t h e first nasal assimilates to the second, and then the sequence of geminate nasals is reduced to one. 3. Introduction to valency changing operations, transitivity alternations, grammatical relations and semantic roles The presentation of verbs in this book pays particular attention to transitive and transitivity alternations: how verbal valency (the number arguments, or required participants in a verbal predicate) changes through morphological processes that can increase or decrease the valency of a given verb (e.g., increasing valency by changing an intransitive to a transitive, or decreasing valency by changing an transitive to an intransitive). It will be important to understand verbal valency not only to facilitate an appreciation of Nahuatl grammar, the syntax of which is often difficult, but as an aid in translation and in interpretation. Valency: The valency of a verb refers to the number of obligatory participants (arguments) in the action expressed by the verb. Thus intransitive (monovalent) verbs have a valency of one (V1 where the subscript number refers to the sole argument, the subject). Transitive (bivalent or dyadic) verbs have a valency of two (V2 where the subscript number refers to the two arguments, the subject and the object). Ditransitive (trivalent) verbs have a valency of three (V3 where the subscript number refers to the three arguments, the subject, the primary object, and the secondary object). Finally, an impersonal (avalent) verb has zero valency (Vo where the subscript number refers to the fact that there is no argument or grammatical subject). Argument: A term, usually a noun, that is obligatorily related to a predicate. Together the predicate and its arguments form a propositional statement, a complete clause or sentence. Thus all Nahuatl verbs are complete sentences. Verbs are defined by the number of arguments they take and the semantic role that these arguments play. In Nahuatl, verbs are almost always formally unambiguous in this respect: a transitive verb is clearly distinct from an intransitive (cf. English, where break can be either intransitive or transitive). An intransitive verb (1-place predicate) takes one argument (e.g., Juan cries, The big, black cat meows). A transitive verb (2-place predicate) takes two arguments (e.g., Juan fed the big, black cat; Sally fought the wind). A ditransitve verb (3-place predicate) takes three arguments (e.g., Juan gave the fish to the cat). In this book the terms impersonal, intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive will be used to refer to the valency of verbs (not avalent, monovalent, bivalent, or trivalent). The symbols V0, V1, V2, and V3 will be used as shorthand to represent verbal valency, with the subscript representing the number of arguments. Impersonal verb (V0) (subjectless)Intransitive verb (V1)one argumentsubjectTransitive verb (V2)two argumentssubjectobjectDitransitive verb (V3)three argumentssubjectprimary object (semantically indirect)secondary object (semantically direct) Based on the above, valency changing operations can be understood as those operations in the grammar of Nahuatl that change the valency of a verb. They may be valency increasing operations (such as those that create causatives and applicatives) or they may be valency reducing operations (such as those that create impersonals, antipassives and anticausatives). The mechanisms whereby these operations are effected will be dealt with in greater detail in this and subsequent chapters. valency increasing operations: whereby an intransitve become a transitive whereby a transitve becomes a ditransitive valency decreasing operations whereby a ditransitive becomes a transitive whereby a transitive becomes an intransitive whereby an intransitive becomes an impersonal (discussed above) The focus on verbs, valency, and transitivity alternations is offered as a key to translating Nahuatl: translation should begin with the verb. That is, Nahuatl translation must be based on determining the nature of the verbal predicate and continuing from there to identify its arguments and the relationships among them. The following key considerations are offered: Determine the valency of the verb in question (is it impersonal, intransitive, transitive, or ditransitive?). Nahuatl verbs are almost always unambiguous in this respect. Once the valency has been determined, explore the clause and text for the arguments (noun phrases) that are required by the verb (i.e., if the verb is transitive, look for both subject and object and then, on the basis of verbal meaning, determine the semantic roles of these arguments; If the valency is difficult to determine, explore the possible valency increasing or valency decreasing devices that might be relevant and the possible verb to which these operations may have been applied. Contemplate the transitivity alternations of the verb. The meaning of certain elements (e.g., reflexive markers, the prefix tla-) will depend on the valency and transitivity alternations of the verb. Think about and determine the semantic roles of the subject and objects. A concept related to that of valency is that of transitivity alternations. This refers to the manner in which verbs of different valency but similar semantic content are related. Transitivity alternation: Transitivity alternation refers to the way in which verbs with equal semantic content but differing valencies are related to each other. Consider in English the following two pairs of intransitive and transitive verbs: I eat and I eat fish, The clothes dry and The sun dries the clothes. It can be seen that I eat has an understood object and that the subject is in effect an agent, a person who volitionally engages in an activity that affects some object (unexpressed in the intransitive form). Eat should be considered a transitive verb that may be expressed as an intransitive under certain conditions. Intransitivity is achieved by simply supressing the object (in the preceding case fish) even though there is still an implication that something (an object) was consumed. Consider, on the other hand, the verb dry in The clothes dry. The susubject of The clothes dry is understood to have undergone a change of state. Often this is caused by an unexpressed agent (in this case the sun). Whether or not this agent is overtly expressed determines whether the verb dry is intransitive or transitive, although in both cases an agent, a cause, is assumed to exist. In effect, the intransitive I eat has an agentive subject and an unexpressed patient; the intransitive The clothes dry has a patientive subject and an unexpressed agent. The intransitive cry has an agentive subject and no unexpressed patient. The intransitive wither has a patientive subject and no unexpressed agent. To summarize: IntransitivesType of subjecteatagentive with an unexpressed but implied patientcryagentive no unexpressed or implied patientdrypatientive with an unexpressed agentwitherpatientive with no unexpressed agent The preceding makes references to two ways of referring to the participants in an action. They can be referred to in terms of grammatical relations (e.g., subject and object) or in terms of semantic roles (e.g., agent and patient). The two are not the same, as evidenced in the following intransitive verbs: niwetska ni-wetska-ų 1sgS-to.laugh-pres.sg I laugh nito:nalwi:lo ni-to:nalwi:lo-ų 1sgS-to.be.beaten.down.upon.by.sun-pres.sg I am (being) beaten down upon by the sun In niwetska, the grammatical subject is a semantic agent. In nito:nalwi:lo, the grammatical subject is a semantic patient (has been acted upon by some agent, in this case the sun, the word for which in fact enters into the verb stem itself). In essence, then, a determination of the grammatical relations or argument structure of a verb often says little about the semantic relation between the arguments, or between the arguments and verb. The remained of this chapter will explore transitivity alternations as they affect intransitive Nahuatl verbs. 4. Valency changes and transitivity alternations: A perspective on Nahuatl intransitive verbs In the preceding section brief mention was made of valency changes and transitivity alternations. These themes will be further explored in this section, which presents several types of Nahuatl intransitive verbs based on the way in which they fit into sequences of intransitive-transitive pairs and in the semantic roles of their subjects. One manner of categorizing intransitive verbs in Nahuatl is whether they are derived or basic. Derived intransitives are intransitive verbs that are derived from a valency increasing operation on an impersonal verb (e.g,. to:nilia to spend the entire night awake from to:na to be hot) or a valency decreasing operation on a transitive verb (e.g., notsakwa to close or become closed, e.g., a door or wound, derived from transitive tsakwa to close, e.g., a door). These valency changing processes as well as the processes that create verbs from other parts of speech, will be dealt with in later chapters. Derived intransitives may also originate from the verbalization of nouns (e.g., tla:katl man becomes tla:kati to be born) or adjectives (we:i big becomes we:ia to become big or to grow). Basic intransitives are intransitive verbs that are not the result of any derivational process, neither valency changing nor verbalizing. They are, by nature, intransitives. Examples are wa:ki to dry or become dry, wetska to laugh, yaw to go, among hundreds of others. Basic intransitives can, however, undergo valency changing operations. All may be made into impersonal (V0) (subjectless) verbs through one of two valency reducing processes (the affixes tla- and -lo) and most can be made into transitive (V2) verbs through valency increasing operations (causatives and applicatives, discussed in chapters xx and xx). Verbs can also be nominalized (made into nouns). However, the focus of the remaining pages of this chapter will be on basic intransitive verbs and the differences among them. 4. Basic intransitive Nahuatl verbs: two types An examination of Nahuatl basic intransitive verbs demonstrates that they fall into two major classes: agentive (or unergative) intransitives in which the subject of the intransitive can be considered to be agentive: it is usually animate and the verbal event can be thought of as more likely to spontaneously occur (cf. cry in the table on the preceding page) patientive (or unaccusative) intransitives in which the subject of the intransitive can be considered to be patientive: it is usually inanimate (at least in its prototypical meaning) and the verbal event can be thought of as less likely to spontaneously occur (cf. dry and wither in the table on the preceding page) The scale of spontaneity can be exemplified through an illustration adapted from Haspelmath (1993): least likely to occur spontaneouslymost likely to occur spontaneously<________________________________________________________________________>washclosemeltlaugheatopendrycrymost likely to be expressed transitivelymost likely to be expressed intransitively 1) Events like laughing and crying can generally be thought of to occur spontaneously. They usually (except when used metaphorically) have human or animate subjects and are encoded as intransitives in their basic form. If there is a transitive associated with these types of events, it introduces another entity as a cause. In English this can be seen by the alternations I laugh ! H e m a k e s m e l a u g h , a n d I c r y ! I t m a k e s m e c r y . O n e f i n d s a s i m i l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p i n N a h u a t l : b a s i c i n t r a n s i t i v e s o f t h i s t y p e a r e m a d e t r a n s i t i v e t h o u g h a n o v e r t c a u s a t i v e m a r k e r t h a t i n c r e a s e s t h e v e r b a l v a l e n c y b y i n t r o d u c i n g a n e w p a r t i c i p a n t ( o f t e n a c a u s e ) i n t o t h e v e r b a l e v e n t : w e t s k a ! w e t s k i : t i a ( O a ) , c h o : k a ! c h o : h t i a ( O a ) . T h i s a l t e r a n t i o n i s r e f e r r e d t o h e r e a s a c a u s a t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n : C a u s a t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n : T h i s i s a t r a n s i t i v i t y a l t e r n a t i o n i n w h i c h t h e i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b i s b a s i c a n d t h e c a u s a t i v e v e r b i s d e r i v e d . I n N a h u a t l t h i s d e r i v a t i o n i n v o l v e s t h e a g g r e g a t i o n o f a c a u s a t i v i z i n g e n d i n g ( u s u a l l y - t i a o r - l t i a ) t o t h e i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b . A n e x a m p l e w o u l d b e w e t s k a + t i a ! w e t s k i : t i a ( t o . l a u g h + c a u s ! t o . m a k e . l a u g h ) o r c h o : k a + t i a ! c h o : h t i a ( O a ) ( t o . c r y + c a u s . ! t o m a k e c r y ) . C a u s a t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f s p o n t a n e o u s a c t i o n s t h a t a r e i n t e r n a l l y c o n t r o l l e d o r t h a t a c t o r s ( p a r t i c u l a r l y a n i m a t e s ) c a n e f f e c t w i t h o u t a n y d i r e c t e x t e r n a l s t i m u l a t i o n : e . g . t o c r y , t o l a u g h , t o s hudder (cf. Haspelmath 1993). 2) Events like close and open can generally be thought of in either of two ways. They may occur spontaneously or they may be the result of a causing event. In English these verbs often fall into a group in which the same verb can be either intransitive or transitive: break, dry, moisten, tear, rot, spread, melt, roll, spin. In Nahuatl they also fall into a group in which there is no clear direction to the derivational process: it is not apparent which form of the verb is basic and which is derived. For this reason these verbs are considered to manifest nondirected alternation: neither the intransitive or the transitive can be considered to be basic or derived from the other. The Nahuatl verbs of this category show minimal formal differences between their intransitive and transitive realizations. The differences are for the most part limited to a different ending: -i for the intransitive and -a (or -ia) for the transitives: Nondirected alternations: Labile and equipollent: This is a transitivity alternation in which there is no direction to the alternation, i.e, it is impossible to state whether the intransitive or transitive verb is basic and the other derived. Nondirected alternation comprises two types: labile and equipollent. Labile alternations are those in which the intransitive and the transitive have identical forms. This is common in English with verbs such as break, roll, and dry, which may be either transitive or intransitive, without any additional marking. Equipollent variation involves verb pairs (intransitive-transitive) for which it is difficult (and perhaps not even useful) to determine which form is basic. Rather, these pairs show a minimal alternation. In Nahuatl equipollent variation is nondirected in the sense that there is no primary starting point (intransitive or transitive) from which these verbs can be moved in the direction of increased or decreased transitivity. Examples would be poliwi ~ polowa, te:mi ~ te:ma, koto:ni ~ koto:na. Nondirected alternation is characteristic of verbs in which a change of state may affect an actor (often inanimate) and in which this change is the result of some external cause, though the participation of a volitional agent is not necessary: e.g. to dry; to tear, to break (cf. Haspelmath 1993). 3) Events like washing and eating can be expected to include a subject that effects the action on a patient. These events are usually encoded as transitives that in their basic form must have two arguments (subject and object) that express the roles of agent and patient. If there is an intransitive associated with these types of events, it can be expected to background one of the roles and foreground another (e.g., I eat backgrounds the patient, that which is eaten; It is eaten backgrounds the agent, that which is eating). Verbs of this type are basically transitive and will be dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Their use as intransitives involves the backgrounding of the object/patient (the process may be called an anticausative alternation) The causative alternation (1 above) is discussed in chapter xx. The remainder of this chapter explores nondirected alternations (2). The following table indicates the most common pairs of verbs that can be characterized as manifesting nondirected alternation (in the transitive forms the prefix k- [before vowels] or h- [before consonants] represents 3rd-person singular object, it, he, or she; the forms given in the table are from Oapan). With these verbs neither is the transitive form derived from the intransitive, nor is the intransitive derived from the transitive. There is no direction to the alternation and each member of the pair is considered to be equally distant from the same verbal stem. Table 3.2 Nondirected Alternation in Nahuatl Intransitive and Transitive Verb Pairs TransitivityVerb form in presentTranslationForm of nondirected alternationIntrans.poliwihe gets lost-wiTrans.nik-polowaI lose it-waIntrans.chi:chi:le:wi chi:chi:liwi it reddens-wiTrans.nih-chi:chi:lowaI redden it-waIntrans.toma:wihe gets fat-wiTrans.nih-toma:waI fattens it-waIntrans.ģtlakįwiit spoils or rots (food) it ceases to work (a machine)-wiTrans.nik-ģtlakówaI spoil it I wreck it or make it not work-waIntrans.se:wiit (e.g., a fire) goes out-wiTrans.nih-se:wiaI put it (a fire) out-wiaIntrans.koto:niit snaps-niTrans.nih-koto:naI snap it-naIntrans.kaxa:niit (e.g. a knot) gets loose-niTrans.nih-kaxa:niaI loosens it (a knot)-niaIntrans.on-akiit fits in-kiTrans.nik-akiaI fit it in-kiaIntrans.wa:kiit dries-kiTrans.nik-wa:tsaI dry it-tsaIntrans.kwakwalakait makes a bubbling sound-kaTrans.nih-kwakwalatsa (Oa)I make it give off a bubbling sound-tsaIntrans.totomiit gets untied-miTrans.nih-totomaI untie it-maIntrans.tlįsoti (Oa)it is dear (i.e., scarce or worthy of being tenderly cared for)-tiTrans.nih-tlįsotla (Oa)I cherish it-tla Occasionally there may be what can be considered a lexical gap in the verb system. Usually verbs of the type listed in table 3.2 occur in pairs. However, sometimes one of the two verbs is not realized, though if this occurs it always seems to be the intransitive form that is nonexistent. Such a case is the verb mela:wa to straighten or to lay down. There is no intransitive *mela:wi. Thus whereas a transitive verb such as no:lowa to make crooked has an intransitive no:liwi to become crooked, (e.g. a stick or branch), mela:wa has no such intransitive cognate. To fill this lexical gap the reflexive marker is employed. Thus, a in describing a stick that becomes straight, a reflexive construction is used: nomela:wa it becomes straight. A similar lexical gap occurs with tsakwa to close (trans.). There is no form *tsakwi to close (intrans.) (as in the door closed). Again, the reflexive marker is used to fill the lexical gap and create an intransitive (e.g., notsakwas ka:n o:timotek the place (wound) where you cut yourself will close). The situation of tsakwa to close (transitive) may be compared to that of tlapowa to open, which has an intransitive cognate tlapo:wi. Note the following: tlapowa : tlapowi :: tsakwa : notsakwa Returning to table 3.2: The final column in the preceding table shows the alternations that distinguish intransitive from transitive among those verbs that are characterized by equipollent nondirected alternation. The variation is so regular that some have considered a final -i as marking intransitivity and a final -a as marking transitivity. However, in certain cases, e.g., kaxa:ni ~ kaxa:nia, the alternation seems, in fact, to represent the aggregation of a transitivizing a to an intransitive verb. Under this analysis there would be a direction to the transitivization that is in some ways parallel to the causative alternation: k a x a : n i + - a ! k a x a : n i a w e t s k a + - t i a ! w e t s k i : t i a N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n t h e a n a l y s i s p r e s e n t e d h e r e t h e a l t e r n a t i o n - n i ~ - n i a i s n o t c o n s i d e r e d o n e i n w h i c h t h e - n i f o r m i s b a s i c a n d t h e - n i a f o r m d e r i v e d t h r o u g h t h e a g g r e g a t i o n o f a t r a n s i t i v i z i n g e l e ment. Rather, both kaxa:ni and kaxa:nia are considered examples of equipollent derivations, in which two different affixes (-ni and -nia) are aggregated to the same single stem, kaxa:-. One justification for this analysis is that semantically the pairs kaxa:ni and kaxa:nia seem equivalent to pairs like koto:ni ~ koto:na. Another is that some verbs that in Balsas Nahuatl show a ni ~ nia alternation in other dialects show a ni ~ na alternation: Balsas Nahuatl tsaya:ni it fissures (e.g., a piece of woo d a s i t d r i e s ) n i k t s a y a : n i a I m a k e i t f i s s u r e C l a s s i c a l N a h u a t l t z a y n i i t f i s s u r e s n i c t z a y n a I m a k e i t f i s s u r e T h u s i t w o u l d s e e m t h a t t h e a l t e r n a t i o n n i ~ n i a i s e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e n i ~ n a a l t e r n a t i o n , a n d b o t h s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d e x a m p l e s of equipollent nondirected alternation. The reason why some verbs manifest the former and others the latter alternation is not clear, but it might reflect a simple historical (and relatively recent) process of change. There is another important difference between Balsas and Classical Nahuatl in regard to verbs that manifest equipollent nondirected alternation. The Balsas Nahuatl alternation between verbs such as toma:wi to become fat and toma:wa to fatten manifests the typical i ~ a intransitive ~ tra n s i t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n . T h i s w a s n o t t h e c a s e i n C l a s s i c a l N a h u a t l . H e r e b o t h v e r b s h a d t h e s a m e f o r m i n t h e p r e s e n t t e n s e : t o m u a t o b e c o m e f a t a n d t o m u a t o f a t t e n . O f c o u r s e , t h e p r e s e n c e o r a b s e n c e o f t h e o b j e c t p r e f i x a l w a y s s e r v e s a s a c l e a r i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e v a l e n c y o f t h e s e v e r b s : C l a s s i c a l n i t o m u a I b e c o m e f a t n i c t o m u a I f a t t e n i t u p T h e r e i s a n o t h e r d i f f e r e n c e , w h i c h o n l y b e c o m e s a p p a r e n t i n c e r t a i n t e n s e s i n w h i c h t h e i n t r a n s i t i v e l o s e s t h e s t e m - f i n a l v o w e l w h e r e a s t h e t r a n s i t i v e a d d s a t e n s e / a s p e c t m a r k e r : C l a s s i c a l n i t o m u a c I b e c a m e f a t ( - c i s a d d e d t o t h e v e r b s t e m t o f o r m t h e p e r f e c t i v e ) n i c t o m u h I f a t t e n e d i t u p ( t h e f i n a l s t e m v o w e l i s l o s t t o f o r m t h e p e r f e c t i v e ) I n B a l s a s N a h u a t l n o t o n l y i s t h e i n t r a n s i t i v e ~ t r a n s i t i v e alternation reflected in the i ~ a variation, but the perfective forms are equivalent. Both verbs lose the final vowel: Balsas o:nitoma:w I became fat (the final stem vowel is lost to form the perfective) o:niktoma:w I fattened it up (the final stem vowel is lost to form the perfective) The differences between Classical and Balsas in these forms may reflect the impact of a trend to regularize verb morphology so that verbs of the type that includes toma:wa manifest an intransitive ~ transitive structure that parallels (by ending in i ~ -a) those of other verbs that show equipollent nondirected alternation. For similar reasons of regularity, the perfective forms of the intransitive and transitive have become identical. 5. Implications of transitivity alternations for translation Nahuatl verbs are almost always unambiguous in regard to their transitivity. Attention paid to the structure and identity of the verbal prefixes along with an understanding of Nahuatl derivational morphology (i.e., how verbs increase or decrease valency) should eliminate most difficulties in determining the valency of any verb. This should be the starting point of any translation. An understanding of verbs, however, goes beyond the identification of their transitivity and valency to an appreciation of how semantics interacts with form. It also includes an awareness of the discourse function of language and how different forms are used to foreground and background different aspects of a situation (e.g., subject, objects, predicate). This chapter has introduced the basic intransitive verb in Nahuatl, a non-derived verb (i.e., not derived from a nominal or adjectival stem, nor the result of a valency changing operation on an impersonal or transitive verb). The intransitive verb is easily recognized: it has one argument (the grammatical subject) that may fill various roles (e.g., agent, patient). This chapter began by examining a question that bears on the utility of categorizing all verbs that take only a subject (and no object) as intransitive. It was suggested that if we look closely at the morphology of intransitive verbs we notice that there are two distinct types. One type enters into nondirected alternation with its transitive counterpart (e.g. poliwi ~ polowa to get lost/to loose); the other requires a clear and overt causative marker to form a transitive (e.g. cho:ka ~ cho:htia to cry/to make cry). This morphological division seems to have a fairly direct relationship to the nature of the subject that each type of verb takes: both actions can occur spontaneously, but intransitive verbs that manifest nondirected alternation seem to require some sort of external action (whether volitional or not) whereas those, like to cry, that manifest causative alternation may occur without any external influence. The subjects of the former tend to be inanimate, those of the latter, animate. On this basis two classes of intransitives were porposed: Agentive (which generally form associated transitives through a causative alternation) and Patientive (which generally are associated with a transitive through equipollent nondirected alternation). The differences are not limited to formal characteristics, but are also related to certain diagnostics that are typical of each of these two classes of intransitives. This is not surprising given that the classes themselves are related to semantic features (e.g., the degree of spontaneity with which the verbal event may occur). One point made is that verbs that one might at first glance think synonymous or nearly synonymous are not, when considered in light of factors such as the level of volitional, intentional, internally determined action or effort that the verbs imply. Equally important, an exploration of how verbs behave syntactically in terms of intransitivity and transitivity reveals facets of meaning (e.g. as that between tear and cut) that may not be immediately noticeable in a strict dictionary definition. All these considerations should be kept in mind when analyzing, interpreting, and translating Nahuatl verbs. The following table offers some key distinctions between the two types of intransitives. The division is not hardfast, and there may be exceptions. But viewing intransitive verbs as an internally differentiated category will help in understanding various derivational processes that will be explored in subsequent chapters and it will help in translating, since the meaning of verbal forms is related to their underlying semantics and to the relationships that they have with other verbs. Table 3.3 Formal and Semantic Differences Between Two Classes of Nahuatl Intransitives Agentive intransitives (e.g., cho:ka)Patientive intransitives (e.g., wa:ki)Answers question: What did Subject do? nicho:ka I cryAnswers question: What happened to Subject? wa:ki it driesProtypical subject is animate and volitional wetska he laughsPrototypical subject is inanimate and nonvolitional koto:ni it snaps (as a tether)Impersonal forms tend to take suffix -lo mikilo there is deathImpersonal forms tend to take prefix tla- tlawa:ki everywhere things are drying (e.g, in a drought)Durative tends to have a progressive meaning, as it always does with transitive verbs: cho:katok he is cryingDurative tends to have a stative or resultative meaning: koto:ntok (Am) it is snappedTransitive cognate is through causative alternation: cho:ka ! c h o : k t i a ( A m ) T r a n s i t i v e c o g n a t e t h r o u g h n o n d i r e c t e d a l t e r n a t i o n : p o l i w i ! p o l o w a D o n o t f o r m a d j e c t i v a l s w i t h e i t h e r - k i o r - t i k * w e t s k a k i * c h o : k a k i D o f o r m a d j e c t i v a l s w i t h b o t h - k i a n d - t i k k a x a : n k i ( k a x a : n i i t i s l o o s e w a : h k i ( w a : k i i t i s d r y ( d r i e d ) t l i : l t i k ( t l i : l i w i i t i s b l a c k A g e n t i v e m e a n i n g c o m m o n w i t h - n i c h o : k a ! c h o : k a n i c r y - b a b y ( o n e w h o c r i e s a l o t ) w e t s k a ! w e t s k a n i o n e w h o l a u g h s a l o t E v e n t u a l m e a n i n g c o m m o n w i t h - n i w a : k i ! w a : k i n i i t t e n d s t o o r h a b i t u a l l y d r i e s k a x a : n i ! k a x a : n i n i i t t e n d s t o b e c o m e l o s e R e f l e x i v e w i t h t r a n s i t i v e p r o t o t y p i c a l l y i n d i c a t e s t r u e r e f l e x i v e n o c h o : h t i a h e m a k e s h i m s e l f c r y R e f l e x i v e w i t h t r a n s i t i v e o f t e n h a s n o n r e f l e x i v e o r s p e c i a l m e a n i n g ; i n t r a n s i t i v e s u s e d p o l i w i h e g e t s l o s t o r h e g e t s h i m s e l f l o s t n o p o : p o l o w a h e l o s e s h i s p l a c e ( e . g . , i n s p e a k i n g ) b u t n o t ? h e g e t s h i m s e l f l o s t I n t r a n s i t i v e s o c c a s i o n a l l y f o r m s a n a p p l i c a t i v e c h o : k a ! c h o : k i l i a t o c r y f o r ( e . g . i n m i s s i n g s o m e o n e ) w e t s k a ! w e t s k i l i a t o l a u g h a t I n t r a n s i t i v e s s e e m n e v e r t o f o r m a p p l i c a t i v e s p o l i w i ! * p o l i w i l i a ( * V 1 ! V 2 ) a l t h o u g h t r a n s i t i v e s o f t e n d o f o r m a p p l i c a t i v e s p o l o w a ! p o l o w i l i a ( V 2 ! V 3 ) T h e p r e c e d i n g t a b l e r e v e a l s t h a t it is useful to go beyond simple transitivity (i.e., impersonal, intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive) to understand various facets of verbal morphology and meaning. In the case of intransitives, it is useful to distinguish between agentive and patientive intransitives (that is, the category of intransitives is internally differentiated in this manner). Such a distinction seems to correspond to other distinctions (see preceding table) in how intransitive verbs behave morphologically. 6. Variants 6.1 Impersonal: Whereas referential subjects vary little across Nahuatl variants, the impersonal is highly variable. In the Sierra Norte de Puebla, for example, -lo is sparingly employed. Many of the younger generation do not freely or productively use this form and it seems, at best, to be highly restricted lexically and perhaps more common on transitive as opposed to intransitive verbs. In central Veracruz (i.e., Orizaba Nahuatl) the element se: is used (e.g., se miki) to indicate an intransitive event without a specific subject. It is not clear whether this is nonreferential or simply the equivalent of one or someone. 6.2. Nondirected alternation: A particularly salient difference across variants is the absence of intransitive verbs ending in -a:wi in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (Cuetzalan) and up through Veracruz (to Chicontepec and, in nearby Huexotla, Hidalgo). In Cuetzalan with the verb weka:wa (to delay or to become delayed) the classical pattern is noted. Thus as an intransitive the perfective is formed by adding -k (weka:wak he took a long time) whereas in the transitive the stem-final vowel is lost (kiweka:w it delayed him). In both the Sierra Norte and in the Veracruzana Huasteca the Guerrero alternation typified by toma:wi (he gets fat) and kitoma:wa he fattens it up) does not occur. Here the reflexive is used to detransitivize: motoma:wa he gets fat. There is an intransitive, toma:wiya (historically derived from *toma:wi + ya, the latter element being an verbalizing suffix meaning to become), but it is seldom used. Note, finally, how the differences in the set of intransitive ~ transitive verbs can significantly affect translation efforts. In Guerrero both toma:wi and toma:wa exist as intransitive ~ transitive cognates. Thus the event of a person getting fat is expressed by the intransitive (e.g., nitoma:wi I get fat). In Guerrero, the use of a reflexive marker on an transitive verb indicates, in effect, a reflexive event: ninotoma:was I will fatten myself up. In the Sierra Norte and in northern Veracruz, however, the reflexive marker is used on transitives simply to create an intransitive that, otherwise, would not exist. In these areas one would say nimotoma:wa to mean I get fat). In short, the difference in how one would translate the reflexive forms of these types of verbs is directly related to the existence of an intransitive. Given the absence of forms such as toma:wi, pitsa:wi (to get thin), in norther Puebla and Veracruz, the reflexive marker has been taken over as a detransitivizer. The TAM inflection will be explored in other chapters. Here it is only necessary to state that the present tense singular in Nahuatl is represented by a zero morpheme suffix (-ų). The subject prefixes, except for the 2pl are fairly constant throughout Nahuatl variants. One minor variation is that in the Sierra Norte de Puebla, the Huasteca, and probably other areas, the /i/ of ni- and ti- (both 2sg and 1pl) has become frozen into the prefix and is maintained even before vowel initial stems. Thus Oapan na:tli I drink water may often be nia:tli. There are also some villages in central Puebla where the prefixes n- and t- are in- and it- before consonant-initial stems, e.g, incho:ka I cry instead of the more common nicho:ka. Eat, is different in that it is a basic transitive that has been made intransitive through, in English, the omission of the patientive object. Martin Haspelmath, More on the typology of inchoative/causative verb alternations. In Causatives and Transitivity, Bernard Comrie and Maria Polinsky, eds. Amsterdam: Johns Benjamins, 1993, 87111. See also R. D. Van Valin Jr., Semantic Parameters of Split Intransitivity, Language 66 (1990): 22160, for a semantic analysis of the division in intransitive verbs; and, particularly, Beth Levin and Malka Rappaport Hovav, Unaccusativity At the Syntax-Lexical Semantics Interface (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1995). Levin and Rappaport Hovav relate the difference between two types of intransitive verbs to whether an event is externally (e.g. melt, often unaccusative verbs) or internally caused (e.g., cry, often unergative verbs); see particularly their chap. 3. Note that the use made in this chapter of three types of alternations (causative, equipollent non-directional, and anticausative) is directly taken from Haspelmath (1993) and refers entirely to formal markings on verbs. 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" 6 U X w x y % óęÜĻĀ“Ā“Ā“Ā“ĀÜĀ“Ā“ĀĻ§§Ā§§Ā“Ā§§§óq h,#ņ hļy¹ 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hB\ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hļy¹ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h £ 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h £ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hg 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hg OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hŻ D OJ QJ aJ hCš OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h?t OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hlØ OJ QJ aJ ,% & ' q Ė Ņ ė ģ ķ ī " % ' H T m Ž ß ą į ā ć R óéÜóĪóéóéóĪóĪóĮó“§ yk^Q^ h,#ņ h.` OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h Wh OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h Wh 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hįR 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hS~¢ 5OJ QJ aJ hCš 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hĪNB h,#ņ hcn OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hlØ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ heŗ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hB\ 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hļy¹ OJ QJ aJ hCš OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hB\ OJ QJ aJ : ć t u ą š \ j m Ø Ŗ ² m n p r ¼ Ó C K “ ( H V Z _ b óęŁĢŁĢó¾ó³¾ó¦¦¦¦ó¦óóótffY h,#ņ hK{ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hB\ 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h«u' OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hB\ OJ QJ aJ hCš OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hĪNB 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hĪNB OJ QJ aJ hCš 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h½Da 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hy OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h5 ; OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h.` OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h½Da OJ QJ aJ "q _ ` a ® ö ė ė Ż Ż ė ė Į Į Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’ Ņ $ Ę0żh *$ a$gdK{ Ę0żh *$ gdĒ7~ Ę h gd½Da ^ _ a § ¬ ® Æ Ö Ų Ś Ū ć ģ ” ” ” ” !” "” +” -” .” [” ]” `” f” s” §” Ø” «” ²” Ģ” Ķ” ņ” óęŲĖæ±æ±æĖ¦¦~Ėssfs h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ hZŃ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ hK{ 6OJ QJ hZŃ OJ QJ h,#ņ hK{ OJ QJ h,#ņ hc S OJ QJ h,#ņ hc S 56OJ QJ h,#ņ hc S 5OJ QJ h,#ņ hc S OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hK{ 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hK{ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h Ö OJ QJ aJ %® Æ Ö Ł ģ ” ” -” h h h h h h Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kdŌ $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö -” .” [” \” ]” s” §” Ø” Ģ” h h h h h h h Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kdf $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö Ģ” Ķ” ö” ÷” ¢ <¢ =¢ {¢ h h h h D D $ Ę0żh ¢ ^’dš $*$ If ^¢ `^’gdZŃ lĘ2 ’\ Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kd $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö ņ” ö” ÷” ś” ¢ ¢ ¢ 7¢ <¢ =¢ I¢ {¢ |¢ Ø¢ Ń¢ Ó¢ Õ¢ Ö¢ Ł¢ ā¢ £ "£ +£ ,£ /£ 7£ 9£ E£ L£ N£ O£ £ £ £ £ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤ ¤¤ °¤ ²¤ “¤ ü¤ óėąŌÉą¾óµŌÉؾė¾ÉėÉó¾ė¾µŌµó¾ė¾Ø¾ Ōó¾ó¾ Ōó¾ó Øz h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ nHo(tHh,#ņ hZŃ OJ QJ h³[V OJ QJ h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ aJ hZŃ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q 6OJ QJ h,#ņ hK{ OJ QJ hZŃ OJ QJ h,#ņ h³[V 6OJ QJ /{¢ |¢ Õ¢ Ö¢ ņ¢ +£ ,£ N£ h h h h h h Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kd $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö N£ O£ £ £ "¤ ¤ ¤ ²¤ h h h h h h Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kd*! $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö ²¤ “¤ „ „ „ 2„ L„ ¢„ ¤„ ģ„ 8¦ ¦ h h h h h h h h h h Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kd¼! $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö ü¤ „ „ „ „ „ J„ L„ „ „ „ „ ¢„ ¤„ Ŗ„ ŗ„ ¼„ ¾„ Ą„ Ī„ Š„ ź„ ģ„ ņ„ ¦ ¦ ¦ 6¦ 8¦ >¦ N¦ P¦ R¦ T¦ d¦ j¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ Ā¦ Ź¦ Ī¦ Ö¦ Ų¦ ę¦ óčóÜÓĒ»čóčóÜÓĒóč¬čóĒ”čĒóó”čĒóččóĒ”čtčóĒÓĒó h,#ņ h³[V OJ QJ aJ j ²šh,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ " j ²šh,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ mH sH h,#ņ h *q OJ QJ j ²šh,#ņ h"]< 6OJ QJ hZŃ h *q 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q 6OJ QJ hZŃ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h³[V 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< 6OJ QJ ,¦ ¦ Ź¦ Š¦ >§ § Ų§ Ž§ h h D h h h $ Ę0żh “ L’dš $*$ If ^“ `L’gdZŃ lĘ2 ’\ Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ z kdN" $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö ę¦ ü¦ >§ D§ R§ h§ § Š§ Ų§ ܧ ā§ ä§ ī§ š§ ō§ Ø HØ NØ ^Ø tØ ØØ ŖØ ¬Ø ŹØ ąØ īßÓĒīß¼ĒÓ³ÓĒ¼ß£ß|m]PE h,#ņ hp` OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ nHo(tH h,#ņ h *q OJ QJ nHtH hZŃ h *q 6OJ QJ nHtHhZŃ h *q 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< 6OJ QJ nHtHhZŃ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ nHtH "h,#ņ h"]< 6OJ QJ nHo(tHŽ§ HØ ŖØ ¬Ø 0© 2© |© ,Ŗ Ū æ D æ æ æ æ z kdą" $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ $ Ę0żh ¢ ^’dš $*$ If ^¢ `^’gdZŃ lĘ2 ’\ ąØ žØ .© 0© 2© 8© F© N© *Ŗ ,Ŗ .Ŗ 2Ŗ 4Ŗ 6Ŗ BŖ Ŗ Ŗ ¢Ŗ ØŖ “Ŗ ņŖ üŖ P« R« T« l« n« “« ¶« ¼« Č« Ź« Ī« ā« ¬ ųķåŚķŃÅķåŚķųķÅķųŹÅķųķ®”ųp`p h,#ņ h;Ķ 6OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h;Ķ OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h;Ķ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h OJ QJ h,#ņ h;Ķ OJ QJ h,#ņ h"]< OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hS© OJ QJ h,#ņ h"-g 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q 6OJ QJ hZŃ 6OJ QJ h,#ņ hZŃ OJ QJ h"]< OJ QJ h,#ņ h *q OJ QJ hZŃ OJ QJ ",Ŗ .Ŗ Ŗ ōŖ R« T« “« ¶« ć ć ć ć h ć ć z kdr# $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ ¬ ¬ 4¬ @¬ B¬ F¬ X¬ t¬ v¬ Š¬ Ņ¬ Ō¬ Ś¬ ą¬ ā¬ ę¬ č¬ ī¬ ö¬ R v ~ ¢ ōåÕåʶĘå« ««Ęp¶aĘQĘQĘaʫʶ h,#ņ h× H*OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h"-g 6OJ QJ nHtHh,#ņ h"-g 6OJ QJ h,#ņ h× 6OJ QJ hZŃ OJ QJ h,#ņ h;Ķ OJ QJ h,#ņ h× OJ QJ h,#ņ h× 6OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h× OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h;Ķ 6OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ h;Ķ OJ QJ nHtH hZŃ OJ QJ nHtH ¶« .¬ v¬ Ņ¬ Ō¬ x ø Ū æ æ æ æ æ æ Ę0żh dš $*$ If gdĒ7~ lĘ2 ’\ $ Ę0żh ņždš $*$ If ^`ņžgdZŃ lĘ2 ’\ ¢ Ø Ŗ ² “ ¶ ø ŗ ¼ Č® ī® ö® ū® Æ īÆ ļÆ šÆ óÆ üÆ ° ° ° ° ä° ± ńįńįńŅÅ»±§§§tfXN@N h,#ņ hG Ā 6OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° hŁ\° 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hG Ā 5OJ QJ aJ hJKē 5OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hG Ā OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hI| OJ QJ aJ hJKē hJKē 6OJ QJ aJ hJKē OJ QJ aJ hI| OJ QJ aJ hc S OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h;Ķ OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ h× OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ hS© H*OJ QJ nHtH h,#ņ hS© OJ QJ nHtHø ŗ ¼ ļÆ šÆ üÆ ± w² x² “ &¶ ŗ Ėŗ y y y y y y y y y y n Ę0żh *$ gd”9 Ę0żh *$ gdĒ7~ z kd$ $$If l Ö Ö0 ’ą," L L t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö ö Ö ’ ’Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ Ö ’ ’4Ö 4Ö l aö ± ± ± §± Ʊ ½± Ą± Ź± Š± Ņ± ×± Ł± ² O² T² b² k² u² v² w² x² ² ² ų² ü² ³ ³ “ “ “ "“ q“ r“ z“ “ “ “ ķ“ ō“ µ µ cµ lµ µ µ óéóéóŪóéŠŪóéóéóéóĄ¶éØééééé é é w w w w hĒ> hĒ> 6OJ QJ aJ hĒ> OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° hŁ\° 6OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° 5OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° hŁ\° 5OJ QJ aJ hG Ā OJ QJ aJ j hŁ\° 0J OJ QJ UaJ hŁ\° 6OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hG Ā 6OJ QJ aJ hŁ\° OJ QJ aJ h,#ņ hG Ā OJ QJ aJ ,µ µ ¼µ ȵ ·¶ ¾¶ ƶ Ź¶ · · G· P· _· m· w· y· · · · É· Õ· “ø æø ¹ £¹ ŗ ŗ ŗ ŗ ŗ ŗ ½ŗ Äŗ Źŗ Ėŗ Ģŗ Ķŗ ¼ ¼ 9¼ @¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ ¼ Ć¼ Ė¼ ļ¼ ōźÜźÜźÜźŅźÜźŅźŅźŅźŅÄŅÄŅÄŅ·©©©©©©©©©© hćHü h mÜ 6hŪjĶ h mÜ 6h mÜ OJ QJ aJ hVC# h mÜ OJ QJ aJ h mÜ j h mÜ 0J UhĒ> h¢: OJ QJ aJ h¢: h¢: 6OJ QJ aJ h¢: OJ QJ aJ hĒ> hĒ> 6OJ QJ aJ hĒ> OJ QJ aJ hĒ> 6OJ QJ aJ 3Ėŗ Ģŗ ł¼ ½ aĮ ØÄ ŖÅ «Å ĆÅ āÅ öÅ ÷Å Ę ż ż ż ż ż ō ō ē Ń Ń l ē d kd$ $$If T l ÖF ’H Š8 “ h ö ö ö Ö ’ ’ ’Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’4Ö l aö yteĆ T Ę h $&d If PĘ ’ gdeĆ Ę h $If gdeĆ Ę h gdž» ļ¼ ÷¼ ł¼ ś¼ ū¼ ž¼ ½ ½ ½ ½ ä½ ¾ ¾ ؾ 4æ mæ Ą Ą GĄ JĄ `Į aĮ bĮ yĮ Ä ØÄ ©Ä ŖÄ @Å IÅ vĘ zĘ ØĘ ¶Ę ŗĘ ŹĘ ĻĘ Ē ”Ē ¬Ē µĒ .Č 4Č Č Č Č Č !É )É /É 6É įÉ Ź ÷óéóįóéóŚŅČŅČŅČŅČŅČŅóéóĘó·®””””hž» h mÜ 6 hž» h mÜ hž» h mÜ 6CJ OJ QJ hž» h mÜ CJ OJ QJ hž» h mÜ CJ j hž» h mÜ 0J CJ UUh5 ; h mÜ 6h h5 ; h mÜ h h5 ; h mÜ h©m9 h mÜ 6j h mÜ 0J Uh mÜ hćHü h mÜ 6 4 nd cut may be considered similar as transitives: I tore the paper / I cut the paper, only the former verb can be used intransitively: The paper tore / ? The paper cut. Yet even a single verb may manifest a range of meanings that reveal a difficulty in establishing any clear-cut divisions or categories. Thus the verb to break varies in its implication of volitional action depending upon the objects involved in the event: Nondirected alternationAnalytic causative alternationPassive alternationI broke the plate. The plate broke.* He broke his voice. His voice broke.He broke his promise. * His promise broke.cf. He made his voice break. cf. His promise was broken by what he did. The ability for break to accept a transitive or intransitive meaning depends upon the action event and what are basically cultural understandings of whether the action can occur with (or without) a volitional agent. Thus with plate, the verb to break manifests the expected nondirected alternation: the same form is used for both the transitive and the intransitive. With voice, however, the alternation is what I have called causative: like verbs such to laugh and to cry, the breaking of ones voice is an internal and involuntary act, it is seldom done on purpose (though it can be). Finally, there is the use of to break with promise: promises might often be broken, but the breaking of any particularly promise is seldom perceived as occurring spontaneously, without deliberative action although, as in His promise was broken by what he did, it might be the side-effect of another act. . These will be referred to as antipassive (backgrounding patient) and passive constructions (backgrounding agents) in later chapters. There is also an uncommon anticausative valency-reducing construction in Nahuatl, also dealt with in a subsequent chapter (but see also * comment below table on next page). . Haspelmath (1993) gives the example of tear and cut in English: whereas both can be transitive (Juan tears/cuts the cloth) only tear can be intransitve: The cloth tears/*cuts. The reason he gives is that cut contains agent-oriented meaning components and therefore cannot be used intransitively. . Not included in this table are various alternations that relate to denominal verbs. The first is a yowa ~ yo:tia alternation (e.g., on the nominal stem soki mud yielding sokiyowa to get covered with mud and sokiyo:tia to cover with mud) or a ya ~ lia alternation (e.g., on the nominal stem xoko plum yielding xoko:ya to become sour and xoko:lia to make sour (see chapter xx) . Nahuatl does not distinguish the gender of subjects or objects. In these lessons the male pronoun he (him) will be used. . The -e:wi ~ -iwi alternation with intransitive verb often appears on verbs that indicate a change in appearance, particularly surface appearance. Thus tli:le:wi / tli:liwi it turns black manifests this alternation, but poliwi it gets lost does not. . Note that verbs with a long /a:/ before /wi/ form the nondirected alternation with /a:wi/ ~ /a:wa/ whereas those with a short /a/ alternate with /owa/, i.e., ģtlakįwi ~ ģtlakówa. . In its intransitive form, the verb aki obligatorily the directional prefix on-, apparently to avoid a monosyllabic verb stem in the perfective: ?o:ak. . Note that the alternation with this verb is the same as with wa:ki and -wa:tsa, i.e., ka ~ tsa. However, verbs such as kwakwalaka (kukwalaka in Ameyaltepec) called frequentatives are always derived from an intranstive that ends in -V:ni. Thus kwakwalaka- ~ kwakwalatsa is derived from kwala:ni (as tsotsomoka ~ tsotsomotsa is derived from tsomo:ni, etc.). . Note that the alternation -ti and -tia, as pįtķ to be cured or to get better and patiį (Oa) to cure is best considered to be a pair of verbs derived from a nominal root {pah} medicine/poison through two derivational or verbalizing endings, -ti (for intransitives) and -tia (for transitives). . This use of a reflexive marker to decrease the valency of a transitive verb is called an an t i c a u s a t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n ( i t i s e s s e n t i a l l y t h e i n v e r s e o f t h e c a u s a t i v e a l t e r n a t i o n ) . I t i s d i f f e r e n t t h a n a p a s s i v e f o r m a t i o n . I n a p a s s i v e t h e a g e n t i s b a c k g r o u n d e d ( I h i t t h e b a l l !T h e b a l l i s h i t ) w h e r e a s i n t h e a n t i p a s s i v e t h e p a t i e n t i s b a c k g r o u n d e d ( I e a t t o r t i l l a s ! I e a t ) . S e e D a v i d T u g g y a t h t t p : / / w w w . s i l . o r g / ~ t u g g y d / N a h u a t l L e c c i o n e s / L 0 3 / L e c c _ 0 3 _ N L V . h t m # 3 . 1 . 3 . 1 P A G E 4 2 O a p a n a n d B a l s a s N a h u a t l : C h a p t e r 3 P A G E 4 1 I n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s a n d r e f e r e n t i a l s u b j e c t s : C h a p t e r 3 Ę Ę 1Ę BĘ XĘ mĘ nĘ oĘ Ę Ę øĘ ņ Ü Ü Ü Ü w ņ ņ ņ ņ d kd% $$If T l ÖF ’H Š8 “ h ö ö ö Ö ’ ’ ’Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’4Ö l aö yteĆ T Ę h $&d If PĘ ’ gdeĆ Ę h $If gdeĆ øĘ ¹Ę ŗĘ 4Ź lĖ Ģ )Ī ØĪ «Ļ dŠ Ń nŅ Ó w r gdA Ę h gdÆ gd³/9 gdī× gdž» Ę h gdž» d kd% $$If T l ÖF ’H Š8 “ h ö ö ö Ö ’ ’ ’Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’ Ö ’ ’ ’4Ö l aö yteĆ T Ź 4Ź 7Ź 8Ź WŹ bŹ Ź Ź ŁŹ ęŹ Ė kĖ oĖ pĖ Ė Ė ¢Ė „Ė ŅĖ ÜĖ ŻĖ ėĖ ņĖ öĖ Ģ Ģ Ģ Ģ >Ģ AĢ Ģ Ģ ŃĢ āĢ Ķ Ķ Ķ Ķ Ķ Ķ +Ķ <Ķ @Ķ FĶ PĶ XĶ wĶ |Ķ Ķ Ķ Ķ Ķ ¢Ķ ¦Ķ ²Ķ ½Ķ ĪĶ ŅĶ ŁĶ ćĶ źĶ Ī Ī (Ī ,Ī -Ī .Ī Ī Ī Ī Ī «Ī łņćņŪņŪņŪņ×ņćņŪņŪņŪņŪņĻņŪņŪņŪņćņ×ņ×ņŪņŪ×ņŪņ×ŪņŪĒņ×ŪņŪņ×ņŪņ×ŪņĻ×ņćņĄøĄøĄ h)wä h mÜ 6 h)wä h mÜ h ea h mÜ 6hŃz+ h mÜ 6h mÜ h5 ; h mÜ 6 j h5 ; h mÜ 0J H* U h5 ; h mÜ hž» h mÜ G«Ī ¬Ī ²Ī ·Ī ŗĪ ¾Ī ?Ļ EĻ NĻ QĻ YĻ Ļ Ļ ŖĻ «Ļ ®Ļ ÆĻ OŠ WŠ XŠ ZŠ bŠ cŠ dŠ gŠ hŠ iŠ Š Š µŠ ·Š ūŠ ’Š Ń Ń DŃ IŃ NŃ UŃ ]Ń `Ń cŃ gŃ Ń Ń Ń Ń „Ń šŃ öŃ üŃ Ņ ńźāźāźŽÖŽÖŽÖŽźŽĒŽ»³Ž»³Øźńź”””””””””ŽŽ”” hA h mÜ 6 j h5 ; h mÜ 0J H* U h5 ; h mÜ 6 h5 ; h mÜ hÆ h mÜ mHsH h mÜ mHsH hÆ h mÜ 6mHsH j hÆ h mÜ 0J H* U hCD h mÜ 6h mÜ h)wä h mÜ 6 h)wä h mÜ j h)wä h mÜ 0J H* U3 Ņ Ņ Ņ Ņ Ņ Ņ 'Ņ /Ņ 4Ņ LŅ MŅ PŅ ]Ņ eŅ qŅ rŅ Ņ Ņ Ņ Ņ Ņ £Ņ ¤Ņ °Ņ ±Ņ “Ņ ÅŅ ÉŅ ĪŅ lÓ oÓ pÓ Ó Ó Ó Ó Ó £Ó ¤Ó ’Ó Ō Ō 0Ō žŌ pÕ $Ö 4Ö 8Ö :Ö bÖ ņÖ üōļōüčōčōčüčōčŁčōčōčōčüčüčüōčōčüčōüčĢ·Ģ©Ģ©ĢĢ hŁ\° hŁ\° hŁ\° j hŁ\° 0J Uh mÜ CJ OJ QJ o(h mÜ CJ OJ QJ hsP h mÜ 6CJ OJ QJ (j hsP h mÜ 0J CJ H* OJ QJ U hsP h mÜ CJ OJ QJ j h5 ; h mÜ 0J H* U h5 ; h mÜ h mÜ 6h5 ; h mÜ 6h mÜ 2 Ó 8Ö ņÖ ōÖ ųÖ śÖ žÖ × × × × × $× l× n× p× × ö× ų× ś× ü× ž× Ų č ö ō ņ ņ ņ ņ ņ ņ ņ ņ ņ é Ż Ń ņ é Ż Ż ņ Ļ ņ Ļ ņ $h]ha$gdQ0 $h]ha$gdi1Ž ų’ &`#$ Ę h gd_? ņÖ ōÖ öÖ śÖ üÖ × × × × × × × × × "× $× l× p× r× ~× × × × × ö× ś× ü× ž× Ų č č č č č č č č üōüōüōüōüźäźŁźäŌŠźäźŁźäŌŠĢČĢĘČĢČĢČü¹ hĒ> h¢: OJ QJ aJ UhŻ/¾ hi1Ž h mÜ hi1Ž 6høm£ 0J/ mH nH u h mÜ 0J/ j h mÜ 0J/ Uj h _ Uh _ $ č č č č č č č ż ū ł ū ū ī Ę0żh *$ gdĒ7~ 8 00 P :pøm£ °Š/ °ą=!°"°# $ %° °Š°Š Š k $$If !v h5Ö 5ÖF5ÖF#v #vF:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö 5ÖFytĀ k $$If !v h5Ö 5ÖF5ÖF#v #vF:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö 5ÖFytĀ k $$If !v h5Ö 5ÖF5ÖF#v #vF:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö 5ÖFytĀ k $$If !v h5Ö 5ÖF5ÖF#v #vF:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö 5ÖFytĀ Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt,E T Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt,E T Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt,E T Q $$If !v h5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt ÷ T Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt ÷ T Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt ÷ T Y $$If !v h5Ö 5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt ÷ T Q $$If !v h5Ö #v :V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö yt ÷ T $$If Åž!v h5Ö ]5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Ö5Ö #v ]#vż#v :V l ö ö 5Ö ]5Öż5Ö /Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ 4Ö aöÅžytBmT T ų $$If Åž!v h5Ö ]5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Ö5Ö #v ]#vż#v :V l ö ö 5Ö ]5Öż5Ö /Ö ’ /Ö ’’’’’’’’/Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ 4Ö aöÅžytBmT T ų $$If Åž!v h5Ö ]5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Öż5Ö5Ö #v ]#vż#v :V l ö ö 5Ö ]5Öż5Ö /Ö ’ /Ö ’’’’’’’’/Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ 4Ö aöÅžytBmT T Ź $$If !v h5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5Ö5Ö#v D #vģ#vŠ#v:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5ÖytPb Ź $$If !v h5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5Ö5Ö#v D #vģ#vŠ#v:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5ÖytPb Ź $$If !v h5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5Ö5Ö#v D #vģ#vŠ#v:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5ÖytPb Ź $$If !v h5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5Ö5Ö#v D #vģ#vŠ#v:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö D 5Öģ5ÖŠ5ÖytPb h $$If <!v h5Ö z5ÖÄ#v z#vÄ:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö j5ÖÄaö<yt6 h $$If <!v h5Ö z5ÖÄ#v z#vÄ:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö j5ÖÄaö<yt6 h $$If <!v h5Ö z5ÖÄ#v z#vÄ:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö j5ÖÄaö<yt6 h $$If <!v h5Ö z5ÖÄ#v z#vÄ:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö j5ÖÄaö<yt6 h $$If <!v h5Ö z5ÖÄ#v z#vÄ:V2 l t ąö 6ö 5Ö j5ÖÄaö<yt6 ¬ $$If !v h5Ö L5ÖL#v L:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö L/Ö ’ /Ö ’ /Ö ’ $$If !v h5Ö "#v ":V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö "/Ö ’ ® $$If !v h5Ö ¦5Ö¦5Ö¦5Ö¦#v ¦:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö ¦/Ö ’ /Ö ’ ® $$If !v h5Ö ¦5Ö¦5Ö¦5Ö¦#v ¦:V2 l t ąÖ0 ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ’ ö 6ö 5Ö ¦/Ö ’ /Ö ’ ¬ $$If !v h5Ö L5ÖL#v 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o n Ę Š @ žO¢ q@ D e f a u l t P a r a g r a p h F o L * ¢ L E n d n o t e R e f e r e n c e H*kHämH sH u F +@ F E n d n o t e T e x t *$ Ę 0żŠ @ @ ¢@ F o o t e r *$ Ę Š ąĄ! 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